TbeNewWorld  Order 


S.Z.Batten 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 

GIFT  OF 

Dr.  Gordon  Watkins 


.  ^  \ 

v  • 


THE  NEW  WORLD  ORDER 


THE  NEW  WORLD  ORDER 


By 
SAMUEL  ZANE  BATTEN 


"  We  are  laying  the  foundations  of  a  new  world  " 
— David  Lloyd  George 


PHILADELPHIA 

AMERICAN  BAPTIST  PUBLICATION  SOCIETY 

BOSTON  CHICAGO  ST.  LOUIS  NF.W  YORK 

LOS  ANGELES  KANSAS  CITY  SEATTLE 


HN3( 


Copyright,  1919,  by 
GILBERT  N.  BRINK,  SBCUKTARV 

Published  March,  1919 


PREFACE 


THE  men  of  to-day  stand  upon  a  peak  in 
Darien.  Behind  lies  the  world  they  have 
known,  with  its  trials  and  failures.  Beyond 
lies  the  uncharted  sea,  and  the  great  un- 
known time.  The  world  war  represents  the 
passing  of  the  old  order  and  the  end  of  an 
epoch.  A  new  day  is  begun,  a  page  of  new 
achievements  is  "1^"  The  old  order 


passes  from  view;  the  new  world  is  nsmg 

upon  our  vision. 

Trie  world  can  never  again  be  as  it  has 
been.  The  house  has  collapsed,  and  its 
structure  is  discredited.  In  this  period  of 
reconstruction  it  is  imperative  that  men 
should  know  what  are  the  defective  princi- 
ples of  the  old  order  that  must  be  kept  out, 
and  what  are  the  true  principles  that  should 
be  builded  in  as  the  very  foundations  of  the 
house  that  is  to  be.  What  kind  of  world 
order  do  we  want  ?  What  are  the  principles 
and  ideals  that  should  guide  us  in  our  plan- 


Preface 

ning  ?  What__are_thg,.  immediate  jLhings^  in_ 
our  efforts,  and  what  are  the  ultimate  ends  ? 
What  are  the  forces  and  factors  on  which 
we  may  count  for  aid  and  inspiration? 
These  are  questions  of  first  importance  in 
this  hour. 

This  little  book  suggests  the  answer  to 
some  of  these  questions.  But  it  is  simply  the 
outline  of  a  great  subject.  It  makes  no  at- 
tempt to  discuss  the  social  order  and  the  in- 
ternational situation  in  detail,  or  to  interpret 
in  all  possible  bearings  the  new  policies  and 
programs.  It  does  seek  to  interpret  some  of 
the  movements  of  the  time,  to  state  some  of 
the  questions  that  are  up  for  a  hearing,  and 
to  suggest  the  direction  of  movement  in  so- 
cial effort.  A  few  aspects  only  of  the  great 
social  task  are  noted,  with  constant  recogni- 
tion, however,  that  these  must  be  viewed  to- 
gether in  their  relation  to  the  one  enterprise. 
The  question  of  international  justice  is 
closely  related  to  the  condition  of  economic 
life  at  home. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  settlement  of 
the  issues  pending  depends  upon  the  people 


Preface 

of  the  nations,  it  is  necessary  that  the  discus- 
sion of  questions  of  reconstruction  be  se- 
riously undertaken  by  leaders  of  thought  in 
Church  and  State.  More  than  that,  the  peo- 
ple must  have  the  mind  to  understand  the 
questions  at  issue  and  the  heart  to  undertake 
great  enterprises  for  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Some  suggestions  for  further  study  of 
the  questions  discussed  will  be  found  in  the 
references  appended. 

JANUARY   i,   1919. 


CONTENTS 

CIIAFTIR  PAGE 

I.  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW i 

II.  THE  REBUILDING  OF  THE  COM- 
MUNITY     21 

III.  THE    DEMOCRATIZATION    OF    IN- 

DUSTRY       45 

IV.  THE  SOCIALIZATION  OF  THE  NA- 

TION       73 

V.  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  INTER- 
NATIONAL LIFE 105 

VI.  THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  CRISIS.  . .    141 


THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 


Behold,  I  am  making  all  things  new. — The  Revela- 
tion 21 :  5. 

And  this  word,  Yet  once  more,  signifieth  the  re- 
moving of  those  things  that  are  shaken,  as  of  things 
that  have  been  made,  that  those  things  which  are  not 
shaken  may  remain. — Hebrews  12  :  27. 

But,  according  to  his  promise,  we  look  for  new 
heavens  and  a  new  earth,  wherein  dwelleth  right- 
eousness.— 2  Peter  3  :  13. 

Don't  be  always  talking  about  going  back  to  where 
you  were  before  the  war;  get  a  really  new  world. — 
Premier  Lloyd  George. 

Count  Okuma,  one  of  the  oldest,  most  experienced, 
and  ablest  of  the  statesmen  of  Japan,  watching  the 
present  conflict  from  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  de- 
clares it  to  be  nothing  less  than  the  death  of  Euro- 
pean civilization. — Draft  Report  on  the  General 
Policy  of  Reconstruction  of  the  British  Labor  Party. 

He  must  have  a  callous  soul  who  can  pass  through 
times  like  these  and  not  hear  a  voice,  whose  call  a 
man  must  answer  or  lose  his  soul.  Your  country 
needs  you.  The  kingdom  of  God  on  earth  needs 
you.  The  cause  of  Christ  is  hard  bested,  and  right- 
eousness is  having  a  heavy  battle  in  the  earth — they 
need  you. — Harry  Emerson  Fosdick. 


THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 


The  world  is  in  a  transition  period.  When, 
the  sun  went  down  Friday  night,  July  31 J 
1914,  it  set  upon  an  order  that  has  foreveij 
passed  away.  The  world  war,  whatever, 
may  be  the  changes  it  brings  in  world  geog-1 
raphy,  represents  the  close  of  an  age  and  the 
opening  of  a  new  epoch ;  it  began  as'a  world 
war,  it  has  developed  into  a  world  revolu- 
tion. It  marks  a  change  of  front  of  the  uni- 
verse. 

Things  are  in  a  state  of  flux.  Events  in/ 
society  and  the  processes  of  history  have' 
heated  the  furnace  sevenfold,  and  into 
fires  have  gone  the  ideas  and  ideals  of  met 
the  institutions  of  society,  and  the  policie 
of  nations.  This  fluid  material  of  life 
ready  to  be  run  into  new  molds  and  be  hard- 
ened into  form.  There  never  has  been  such 
an  hour  for  a  thousand  years  past  There 
may  not  be  another  such  hour  for  a  thou- 
sand years  to  come.  This  makes  at  once  the 
crisis  and  the  opportunity  of  our  time. 

I.  The  Present  Hour  is  a  Veritable  Judg- 
ment-day. The  root  idea  of  judgment  is 
revelation  and  disclosure.  Now  hidden 

C3l 


The  New  World  Order 


I 


things  are  brought  to  light  and  the  thoughts 
of  many  hearts  are  revealed.  Defects  in  the 
social  order  and  in  the  foundations  of  society 
are  made  to  appear.  The  fact  that  the  old 
order  produced  such  fruits  as  we  every- 
where see  is'  evidence  that  its  foundations 
are  unsound.  Here  is  the  world  war  itself, 
the  greatest  calamity  that  has  ever  befallen 
the  human  race.  In  our  nation  is  disclosed 
a  serious  situation  that  almost  makes  our 
hearts  stop  beating.  ^i-lllfiJDdllsiriaLwprld 
we  face  a  condition  of  strife  and  confusion 
but  little  short  of  civil  war.  The  fact  that 
such  strife  exists  shows  conclusively  that 
something  is  wrong  with  the  principles  and 
methods  of  industry.  In  modern  society  we 
see  such  evils  as  disease,  poverty,  crime,  and 
misery.  The  fact  that  such  things  exist 
points  to  some  fundamental  defects  in  the 
social  order.  All  this  contains  a  challenge 
and  a  summons. 

In  the  revealing  fires  of  judgment  the 
world  is  gaining  a  new  vision.  Upon  the 
men  of  this  time  is  breaking  the  light  of  a 
new  social  order.  The  outstanding  fact  of 
to-day  is  the  rediscovery  of  the  kingdom  of 
Gocl.  ^To  the  world  this  comes  almost  as  a 
new  revelation  from  heaven.  For  eighteen 
hundred  years  men  have  believed  in  this 
kingdom  and  have  prayed  for  its  coming; 

[4] 


The  Old  and  tlie  New 


but  now  at  last  conception  of  its  meaning 
comes  larger  and  more  true.  We 
ing  to  see  that  the  kingdom  of  .Go<Mi 
Christ's  conception  never  mean^  anything) 
U-ss  than  a  righteous  human  society  on  earthi 
Christ  has  come,  not  to  condemn  the  world, 
but  to  save  the  world.  He  has  come  to  re- 
veal a  kingdom  in  heaven  and  to  realize  a 
kingdom  on  earth.  He  has  come  not  alone 
to  save  people  out  of  the  world  and  fit  them 
for  a  far-away  heaven ;  but  to  make  a  heaven 
here.  He  has  come  not  to  patch  up  human 
society  and  make  the  world  a  little  less  in- 
tolerable for  men;  but  to  make  all  things 
new  and  to  create  a  new  social  order. 

In  this  new  vision  we  find  the  summons 
to  a  great  new  task.  The  men  of  good  will 
are  summoned  to  arise  and  build  a  Christian 
social  order.  We  are  called  to  find  the  de- 
fects in  the  present  social  order  and  to  lay 
new  and  Christian  foundations.  ^-Ve  are 


called  by  the  Christian  hope  to  reconstruct 
fnT  social  order  in  accord  with  the  will  of 

God  and  the  ideal  of  the  kingdom.  This  is 
a  large  undertaking;  hut  nothing  less  than 
this  can  meet  the  situation  or  satisfy  the 
Christian  ideal.  We  need  to  beware  of 
piece-work  and  half-way  measures.  The 
fundamental  defect  is  with  society  itself:  it 
is  organized  on  a  Roman  and  pagan  basis, 

[5] 


The  New  World  Order 


and  not  on  a  just  and  Christian  foundation. 
We  can  meet  the  need,  therefore,  not  by 
patchwork,  but  by  reconstruction,  radical 
•  and  thorough.  Christ  has  come  not  to  patch 
up  the  old,  but  to'  make  all  things  new. 

II.  This  Undertaking  is  most  Vital  at  this 
Time.  First  of  all,  what  kind  of  world  shall 
we  live  in  during  the  coming  days  ?  Will  it 
be  the  same  old  world  with  the  same  old 
evils  and  miseries?  Will  it  contain  within 
itself  such  unspeakable  tragedies  as  this 
world  war?  Will  the  nations  that  have 
learned  at  such  infinite  cost  the  lesson  of  dis- 
cipline and  control,  nevertheless  revert  to 
the  old  order  and  allow'  selfishness  and  in- 
justice to  have  their  way?  Will  employers 
and  workers  remain  apart  and  the  industrial 
world  be  the  scene  of  strife  and  confusion? 
Will  society  that  has  shown  an  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  the  child  and  the  health  of  the 
people,  forget  that  interest  when  peace 
comes,  and  fall  back  into  the  old  condition  ? 
In  that  case  it  does  not  matter  much  how 
the  war  goes.  If  our  children  and  our  chil- 
dren's children  must  face  such  evils  and  en- 
dure such  agonies,  it  does  not  matter  much 
which  side  is  victorious.  But  if  the  war 
which  shows  us  the  defects  in  the  social 
order  at  the  same  time  shows  us  the  Way  of 
progress,  we  shall  then  be  willing  to  pay  the 

[6] 


The  Old  and  the  New 


price  of  victory.  And  if  through  the  smoke 
of  the  battle-field  and  the  tears  of  sorrow  we 
can  catch  the  clear  vision  of  a  better  world, 
we  can  accept  our  cross  and  bear  it  with  joy 
and  confidence.  Let  men  see  that  the  hoj>e 
of  social  reconstruction  is  wrapped  up  in  the 
victorious  outcome  of  the  war,  and  we  have 
unified  the  nation  and  have  filled  men  with 
an  inspired  devotion.  The  people  were 
united  in  the  prosecution  oftRe war,  because 
they  were  inspired  with  the  hope  of  a  better 
world  after  the  war. 

On  this  question  we  have  some  vital  testi- 
mony. The  archbishop  of  York,  in  his  visit 
to  the  United  States,  spoke  clearly  on  the 
change  that  had  come  over  the  people  of 
Britain.  He  declared  that  the  hope  of  the 
future  of  Britain  lies  in  the  possible  extent 
to  which  this  new  spirit  can  be  carried  into 
social  reconstruction.  And  he  writes :  "  So 
far  as  I  have  been  able  to  observe,  there  is 
this  great  difference  in  the  effect  which  the 
war  has  had  so  far  on  public  opinion  in  En- 
gland and  the  United  States:  We  all  feel 
in  England  that  the  war  has  compelled  us  to 
reconsider  in  a  very  wide  and  deep  way  the 
whole  character  of  our  social  system.  The 
thought  of  social  reconstruction  is  only  less 
constantly  in  the  minds  of  the  people  than 
the  immediate  progress  of  the  war  itself. 

B  [7] 


The  New  World  Order 


We  all  feel  that  the  war  came  to  us  at  a  time 
when  we  were  all  becoming  conscious  that 
our  social  system  was  revealing  very  deep 
defects,  and  our  great  trust  is  that  the  spirit 
of  common  fellowship  which  the  war  has 
called  out  may  be  transmuted  after  the  war 
into  an  impulse  toward  wider  social  recon- 
struction, carried  through  in  the  same  spirit 
of  common  fellowship  and  sacrifice."  He 
tells  us  further  how  the  soldiers  at  the  front 
feel  this :  "  They  seem  to  respond  readily  and 
with  enthusiasm  to  the  prospect  that  they 
will  return  home  to  take  a  place  in  the 
building  of  a  new  and  better  social  system. 
Indeed,  this  is  coming  to  fill  a,  larger  place 
in  the  consciousness  of  most  people  than  the 
appeals  for  solidness  and  enthusiasm  in  the 
war.  The  ready  response  to  these  latter  we 
take  for  granted,  as  is  our  national  way ;  the 
forefront  of  our  minds  is  full  of  thoughts  of 
what  is  to  be  done  at  home  after  the  war  is 
won." 

Secondly,  if  we  are  to  have  a  better  world, 
we  must  plan  for  it.  Now  that  the  war  is 
over  men  face  the  task  of  rebuilding  the 
waste  places  and  restoring  the  many  desola- 
tions. Just  here  rises  the  question  which 
makes  the  supreme  crisis  and  opportunity  of 
this  hour.  Will  men,  weary  and  visionless, 
attempt  simply  to  rebuild  the  old  order  and 

[8] 


The  Old  and  the  New 


restore  things  as  they  were  ?  Or  will  they, 
taught  by  bitter  sorrow  and  loss  and  sacri- 
fice, undertake  to  reconstruct  a  social  order 
that  shall  at  once  seek  the  divine  ideal  and 
prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  world  calami- 
ties ?  Be  it  noted  it  is  not  a  question  whether 
changes  are  coming  or  not.  Great  changes 
are  foredoomed  and  inevitable  and  cannot 
be-  withstood.  But  it  is  a  question  whether 
there  shall  be  a  real  and  radical  reconstruc- 
tion or  a  mere  patching  up  of  the  social 
order.  Jt  is  a  question  whether  these  changes 
shall  be  the  mere  shifting  of  material  forces, 
or  whether  the  mighty  movements  shall  be 
at  once  aroused  and  directed  by  moral  and 
spiritual  forces.  It  is  impossible  to  acquiesce 
in  the  present  sociaT order;  and  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  restore  the  social  status  quo  ante  and 
take  up  the  old  story  again.  It  is,  therefore, 
necessary  for  men  to  accept  the  divine  sum- 
mons and  undertake  the  task  of  building  a 
better  social  order.  'But  in  what  spirit  shall 
they  undertake  this  work  of  social  recon- 
struction, and  what  are  the  things  that  they 
are  really  called  to  do?  It  is  evident  that 
the  real  struggle  is  within  and  the  real  con- 
quest is  over  ourselves.  Let  us  conquer  our- 
selves, our  cowardice,  our  sloth,  our  selfish- 
ness, our  tendency  to  postpone  action  and  let 
things  drift,  our  temptation  to  compromise 

[9] 


The  New  World  Order 


and  half-way  measures,  and  we  shall  de- 
velop an  inflexible  morale  and  an  uncon- 
querable spirit.  As  Sir  Baden  Powell  has 
well  said,  "  The  true  victory  lies  not  so  much 
in  the  actual  tactical  gains  on  the  battle- 
field to-day,  as  in  the  quality  of  the  men  who 
have  to  carry  on  the  work  of  the  country 
after  the  war."  The  real  struggle  is  at 
home,  with  ourselves,  in  our  minds  and 
hearts  and  wills.  The  war  is  a  tremendous 
and  tragic  fact,  and  the  destiny  of  humanity 
for  a  thousand  years  will  be  affected.  And 
yet  the  war  needs  to  be  seen  in  its  true  per- 
spective ;  for  it  is  but  an  incident  in  the  age- 
long struggle  of  humanity  toward  justice, 
and  truth,  and  the  kingdom  of  God.  Let  us 
see  the  real  meaning  of  the  struggle;  let 
us  see  light  ahead ;  let  us  know  that  the  vic- 
tory for  democracy  is  an  immeasurable  gain 
for  humanity,  and  we  have  conquered  our- 
selves and  have  already  gained  the  real 
victory. 

III.  The  People  of  the  Nations  Must  In- 
terpret and  Develop  New  Policies  and  Prin- 
ciples. This  war  may  have  begun  as  a  world 
war,  but  it  has  become  a  world  revolution. 
It  differs  from  wars  that  have  gone  before 
in  the  number  of  nations  involved.  But 
most  significant  of  all,  it  differs  in  the  way 
the  nations  have  been  compelled  to  adopt 

[10] 


The  Old  and  the  New 


new  policies  and  affirm  new  principles.  We 
are  too  near  these  events  to  see  their  full 
significance;  these  changes,  many  of  them, 
are  in  germ  only,  and  it  is  too  early  to 
know  their  full  fruitage.  It  is  worth  while, 
however,  to  note  some  of  the  principles  af- 
firmed and  the  policies  suggested. 

A.  COMMUNITY 

1.  The  human  loss  and  social  wastage  in  infant 
mortality;  the  moral  and  national  necessity  of  child 
conservation. 

2.  The  social  handicap  and  moral  danger  in  alco- 
holism and  venereal  diseases ;  the  necessity  of  a  de- 
termined effort  to  eliminate  and  prevent  these. 

3.  The  danger  and  loss  in  disease  and  premature 
death;  the  demand  for  united  action  to  prevent  dis- 
ease and  reduce  the  death-rate. 

4.  The  danger  and  loss  in  crime  and  degeneracy; 
the  determination  to  make  community  life  safe,  sani- 
tary, wholesome,  moral. 

5.  The  relation  between  bad  housing  and  family 
dissolution  and  social  evils ;  the  effort  to  secure  for 
each  family  adequate  housing  at  reasonable  rates. 

6.  The  danger  in  vicious  amusements  and  injurious 
recreation ;  the  community  effort  to  provide  adequate 
and  wholesome  recreation  for  all. 

B.  INDUSTRIAL 

7.  The  danger  and  loss  in  industrial  strife,  and  a 
new  appreciation  of  the  meaning  and  value  of  social 
justice. 

[II] 


The  New  World  Order 


8.  The  conviction  that  industry  is  an  interest  with- 
in society  and  must  serve  society;  it  must  therefore 
come  under  the  supervision  of  society  and  be  coor- 
dinated with  its  other  factors. 

9.  The  recognition  that  industry  is  a  partnership, 
and  that  workers  must  have  a  real  voice  in  the  direc- 
tion of  industry  and  an  equitable  share  in  the  prod- 
uct 

10.  The  disappearance  of  class  distinctions  and  the 
solidarity  of  all  interests  in  the  economic  process. 

C.  NATIONAL 

11.  The  conviction  that  surplus  wealth  belongs  to 
society,  and  the  effort  to  use  it  for  the  common  good. 

12.  The  conviction  that  property,  skill,  life  are  a 
social  stewardship  and  have  social  obligations;  they 
must  therefore  be  held  and  used  for  the  common 
welfare. 

13.  The  conception  of  the  nation's  welfare  as  the 
supreme  concern,   with  the  policy  that   everything 
shall  contribute  to  this  end,  and  every  person  must 
do  some  useful  work. 

14.  The  necessity  of  a  united  people  and  a  positive 
democracy,  leading  to  the  creation  of  an  efficient  na- 
tional discipline. 

15.  A  new  emphasis  upon  democracy,  and  a  grow- 
ing demand  for  its  full  realization  in  political  and 
industrial  life. 

16.  The  closer  cooperation  of  the  church;  a  new 
emphasis  upon  the  social  content  of  the  gospel,  and 
a  new  valuation  of  the  central  truths  of  Christianity, 
justice,  love,  brotherhood,  self-sacrifice. 

[12] 


The  Old  and  the  New 


D.  INTERNATIONAL 

17.  The  principles  of  morality,  justice,  right,  and 
brotherhood   are    universal    in    scope,   and   nations 
equally  with  men  are  under  obligation  to  observe 
them. 

18.  The  creation  of  an  international  mind  with  a 
world  conscience  and  a  world  patriotism;  the  loyal- 
ties of  men  to  one  national  group  must  expand  into  a 
larger  loyalty  to  all  mankind. 

19.  The  world  to  be  made  safe  for  democracy ;  and 
the  right  of  every  people  to  liberty  and  self-govern- 
ment. 

20.  The  interdependence  of  nations;  the  certainty 
that  the  conditions  and  policies  of  one  people  affect 
all ;  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  all  people  taking 
such  action  as  may  be  required  to  secure  justice  for 
all  and  to  protect  each. 

21.  "  The   destruction  of   every   arbitrary   power 
anywhere  that  can  separately,  secretly  and  of  its 
single  choice  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world;  or  if 
it  cannot  be  destroyed,  at  least  its  reduction  to  virtual 
impotence. 

22.  "  The  settlement  of  every  question,  whether  of 
territory,  of  sovereignty,  of  economic  arrangement, 
or  of  political   relationship,  upon  the  basis  of  the 
free  acceptance  of  that  settlement  by  the  people  im- 
mediately concerned,  and  not  upon  the  basis  of  the 
material  interest  or  advantage  of  any  other  nation  or 
people  which  may  desire  a  different  settlement  for 
the  sake  of  its  own  exterior  influence  or  mastery. 

23.  "  The  consent  of  all  nations  to  be  governed  in 
their  conduct  toward  each  other  by  the  same  princi- 

[13] 


The  New  World  Order 


pies  of  honor  and  of  respect  for  the  common  law  of 
civilized  society  that  govern  individual  citizens  of  all 
modern  states  in  their  relations  with  one  another; 
to  the  end  that  all  promises  and  covenants  may  be 
sacredly  observed,  no  private  plots  or  conspiracies 
hatched,  no  selfish  injuries  wrought  with  impunity, 
and  a  mutual  trust  established  upon  the  handsome 
foundation  of  a  mutual  respect  for  right. 

24.  "  The  establishment  of  an  organization  of  peace 
which  shall  make  it  certain  that  the  combined  power 
of  free  nations  will  check  every  invasion  of  right, 
and  serve  to  make  peace  and  justice  more  secure  by 
affording  a  definite  tribunal  of  opinion  to  which 
all  must  submit,  and  by  which  every  international 
readjustment  that  cannot  be  amicably  agreed  upon  by 
the  peoples  directly  concerned  shall  be  sanctioned." 

These  principles  and  policies  are  signifi- 
cant and  revolutionary,  and  open  a  new 
chapter  in  social  development  and  interna- 
tional life.  It  is  too  early  in  the  day  for  any 
one  to  indicate  all  of  their  implications  and 
applications;  in  fact,  it  will  require  many 
years  and  involve  many  experiments  to 
interpret  and  realize  them.  It  would  be  un- 
wise therefore  to  attempt  to  frame  an  elabo- 
rate program  of  social  advance  and  interna- 
tional organization.  But  it  is  not  too  early 
for  us  to  consider  these  principles  and  pre- 
pare ourselves  for  coming  changes.  The 
most  unwise  policy  is  to  live  only  for.  the 

[Hi 


The  Old  and  the  New 


day;  to  Ie6  tilings  drift  and  have  no  large 
program  at  all.  Social  progress  at  bottom 
is  a  moral  and  spiritual  matter;  it  depends 
upon  ideas  and  ideals,  upon  human  hearts 
and  wills.  It  must  therefore  be  understood, 
planned  for,  and  willed  by  men. 

These  principles  and  policies  must  be 
taken  seriously  by  men  and  nations.  To 
secure  the  hearty  cooperation  of  working 
men ;  to  solidify  sentiment  within  the  nation 
and  maintain  morale;  to  unify  the  allied 
peoples ;  to  divide  the  enemy  nations,  the  al- 
lied peoples  and  governments  have  affirmed 
these  policies  and  principles.  These  declara- 
tions of  the  nations  must  not  be  regarded  as 
mere  death-bed  promises — forgotten  as  soon 
as  the  crisis  is  past  and  the  patient  begins  to 
breathe  easily  again.  They  must  be  taken 
seriously  and  must  be  made  effective  in  the 
Itfe  of  the  world.  To  treat  these  declara- 
tions as  empty  words — mere  scraps  of 
paper — would  stultify  the  governments 
themselves  and  would  drive  the  people  into 
bitter  revolt.  If  that  foolish  course  should 
be  attempted,  it  would  react  upon  the  na- 
tions and  governments  at  fault.  If  that  false 
policy  should  be  followed,  it  would  never 
again  be  possible  to  catch  the  workers  and 
the  people  with  such  words.  Fortunately  the 
governments  of  the  allied  nations  at  least 

[15] 


The  New  World  Order 


take  these  principles  at  their  face  value  and 
intend  to  follow  out  these  policies  to  the  end. 

But  the  outcome  will  depend  upon  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  people.  These  policies 
and  principles,  are  all  democratic  in*  impulse 
if  not  in  form.  For  this  reason  their  full 
realization  will  depend  upon  the  intelligence 
of  the  people  and  their  understanding  of  the 
issues  at  stake.  The  democratic  ideal  can 
be  realized  as  fast  and  as  far  as  men  learn 
to  cooperate  and  sacrifice  for  the  common 
good.  This  brings  us  to  the  next  item : 

IV.  The  Preparation  of  the  People  for 
the  Work  of  Reconstruction.  The  war  does 
not  end  when  the  fighting  stops  and  treaties 
are  signed.  The  war  has  been  conducted 
with  unparalleled  fierceness  and  it  has  inten- 
sified national  hatreds.  The  defeated  nations 
will  be  sullen  and  resentful;  they  will  think 
of  the  lost  cause  and  will  plan  some  way  of 
retrieving  their  lost  fortune.  It  will  be 
generations  at  least,  perhaps  it  will  be  cen- 
turies, before  the  peoples  of  the  world  can 
trust  one  another  and  live  in  friendship. 
Unless  the  nations  can  see  the  situation 
and  can  adopt  just  and  fair  measures,  they 
will  lay  up  for  themselves  wrath  against 
the  day  of  wrath.  Unless  they  see  clearly 
the  underlying  causes  of  war  and  remove 
these,  they  win  sow  the  seeds  of  future  wars 

[16] 


The  Old  and  the  New 


^  wide-spread  and  destructive.  Real 
peace  cannot  come  by  fighting;  it  must  be 
based  deep  upon  international  good  will  and 
fair  dealing.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  that 
the  nations  consider  the  things  that  are  just, 
that  they  know  the  things  that  make  for 
peace,  and  that  they  prepare  for  a  just  and 
peaceful  world  order. 

This  work  of  reconstruction  is  a  hard 
and  long  task.  We  must  not  make  the  mis- 
take of  supposing  that  these  changes  which 
are  so  necessary  will  come  of  themselves. 
We  must  not  suppose,  either,  that  the  mere 
affirmation  of  certain  principles,  however 
good,  is  the  end  of  the  campaign.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact,  their  affirmation  is  simply  the 
first  step  in  a  long  process.  To  put  these 
new  principles  and  policies  into  effect  means 
a  hard  and  bitter  struggle.  The  people  must 
be  instructed  in  the  meaning  and  sweep  of 
these  principles ;  society  will  have  to  face  the 
dead  inertia  of  masses  of  people  and  the 
studied  opposition  of  interested  groups; 
many  experiments  will  have  to  be  tried  and 
some  mistakes  will  be  made;  the  way  into 
the  better  world  lies  through  tEe^Tand^of 
sacrifice  and  service. 

The  most  necessary  thing  at  this  time  i< 
the  creation  "of  a  state  of  mind  in  the  people 
which  will  make  them  willing  to  undertake 

[173 


The  New  World  Order 


the  work  of  social,  national,  and  interna- 
tional reconstruction.  The  nation  needs  an 
intelligent,  just,  and  Christian  body  of  public 
opinion.  We  need  a  sacrificial  attitude  of 
mind  which  will  make  men  willing  to  pay, 
the  price  of  social  advance.  Yet  significant 
and  disturbing  as  it  is,  here  is  where  demo- 
1  cratic  peoples  are  failing  most  signally. 
One  listens  in  vain  for  any  large  discussion 
of  these  great  questions  in  church  assemblies. 
One  finds  almost  nothing  in  this  direction  in 
the  organs  of  public  opinion.  The  nations 
have  declared  against  secret  diplomacy  in 
favor  of  democratic  ideals ;  and  yet  the  peo- 
ple are  ignoring  the  questions  of  interna- 
tional justice  and  are  committing  them  to 
their  rulers.  We  have  affirmed  our  faith  in 
the  principle  that  governments  derive  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned; yet  the  people  do  not  seem  to  know 
what  are  the  deeper  issues  at  stake  or  how 
the  changes  may  be  accomplished.  The  so- 
called  leaders  of  the  nations,  in  Church  and 
State,  seem  to  have  no  vision  of  the  new 
world  order  and  have  no  word  to  offer.  In 
Britain  it  may  be  said  there  is  a  growing  ap- 
preciation of  the  coming  change  and  a  brave 
effort  to  prepare  for  it.  The  British  labor 
leaders  have  put  forth  a  pronouncement 
which  is  one  of  the  wisest  and  most  states- 

[18] 


The  Old  and  the  New 


manlike  documents  thus  far  produced  ;  it  has 

been  aptly  called  the  Majjna  Charta  of  the 
Xe\v  Democracy.  In  Aim-rica.  the  recog- 
nized leaders  in  both  church  and  the  labor 
.  lagged  behind  and  have  spoken 
t*  messaer  'This  blindness  to 


the  larger  issues,   this  unconcern  for  the 
future,  this  absence  of  any  large  program  is 
one  of  the  most  ominous  facts  of  the  hour. 
Part  of  it  is  due  to  timidity  and  confusion/ 
within  ;  much  of  it  is  chargeable  to  the  demcn/ 
cratic  habit  of  thinking  of  the  next  campaign/ 
and  ignoring  the  larger  future. 

The  way  out  is  the  way  forward  "  Don't 
be  always  talking  about  going  back  to  where 
you  were  before  the  war;  get  a  really  new 
world,"  said  Lloyd  George.  "  You  cannot 
have  the  world  as  it  was.  It  was  a  libel  on 
Jesus  Christ.  It  was  a  shame  upon  his 
name."  The  old  order  is  broken  and  dis- 
credited; the  molds  of  the  new  world  are 
being  made.  Do  we  know  what  kind  of 
world  we  want?  Do  we  know  the  next 
steps  in  Christian  progress?  Have  we  the 
faith  and  courage  to  set  about  the  making  of 
the  new  world?  Can  the  Church  and  the 
State  give  men  a  wise  and  strong  leadership 
in  this  great  hour?  The  men  of  to-day  must 
build  the  world  of  to-morrow.  There  has 
never  been  such  a  challenge  to  the  church, 

[19] 


The  New  World  Order 


never  such  an  opportunity  before  it.    There 
has  never  been  such  need  of  men  of  faith 
and  vision.    The  new  principles  which  have 
been  affirmed,  often  indefinitely  and  tenta- 
tively, must  be  interpreted  in  their  sweep 
and  must  then  be  incorporated  in  human 
thinking.     The  new  policies  that  have  been 
accepted,  in  part  at  least,  must  be  developed 
and  become  the  settled  policy  of  the  nations. 
The  new  impulses  awakened,  the  spirit  of 
self-sacrifice  evoked,  must  be  conserved  in 
new  national  institutions  and  new  interna- 
tional guaranties.     Ifjtnen  could  forget  the 
essons  learned  at  such  frightful  cost  we 
night  well  despair  of  man's  ability  to  learn 
mything.    If  the  people  will  heed  the  call  of 
iGod  and  follow  the  Christ  in  the  task  of 
social  reconstruction,  they  may  really  shape 
the  outlines  of  a  new  and  better  world. 

REFERENCES 

Fosdick,  "  The  Challenge  of  the  Present  Crisis." 
Faunce,  "  The  New  Horizon  of  Church  and  State." 
Orchard,  "  The  Outlook  for  Religion." 
Usher,  "  The  Challenge  of  the  Future." 


[20] 


n 


THE  REBUILDING  OF  THE 
COMMUNITY 


And  I  saw  the  Holy  City,  the  New  Jerusalem, 
coming  down  out  of  heaven  from  God,  made  ready 
as  a  bride  adorned  for  her  husband. — The  Revelation 
21 :  2. 

Jerusalem  shall  be  called  The  City  of  Truth;  and 
the  mountain  of  the  Lord  of  hosts,  The  Holy  Moun- 
tain. .  .  And  the  streets  of  the  city  shall  be  full  of 
boys  and  girls  playing  in  the  streets  thereof. — Zecha- 
riah  8  :  3,  5. 

Every  church  should  have  a  constructive  program 
for  serving  the  social  needs  of  its  community,  both 
individually  and  through  the  largest  possible  coopera- 
tion with  other  agencies  of  human  uplift. — The  So- 
cial Service  Commission  of  the  Northern  Baptist 
Convention. 

The  Commonwealth  of  God  as  the  ideal  social 
order  has  come  only  as  far  and  as  fast  as  men  have 
consciously  joined  with  the  purpose  of  Jesus.  Con- 
stantly betrayed  he  is  never  defeated.  .  .  He  voices 
both  the  ideal  of  man  and  the  eternal  purpose.  He 
joins  together  in  his  personality  the  will  of  God  and 
the  desires  of  men.  He  makes  the  divine  human  and 
the  human  divine.  The  future  belongs  to  those  who 
work  with  him.  They  share  his  immortality  of  pur- 
pose and  power.  To  create  the  Christian  Common- 
wealth by  Christianizing  community  life — this  is  to 
bring  the  new  Heaven  and  the  new  Earth. — Ward 
and  Edwards,  in  "  Christianising  Community  Life." 


THE  REBUILDING  OF  THE 
COMMUNITY 


The  present  is  a  time  of  social  self-reve- 
lation. Men  have  known  for  centuries  that 
social  evils  existed,  that  these  evils  blighted 
human  lives  and  cast  heavy  burdens  upon 
society.  But  few  persons  realized  the  ex- 
tent or  the  harmfulness  of  these  evils.  Many 
refused  to  look  the  facts  in  the  face  and  de- 
clared that  the  evils  were  greatly  exagger- 
ated. And  in  general  men  felt  little  interest 
in  the  program  of  reform;  in  one  way  and 
another  they  evaded  responsibility  and  did 
nothing.  But  in  recent  times  these  evils 
have  forced  themselves  upon  men's  atten- 
tion. And  in  the  crisis  of  the  world  war 
many  things  have  been  brought  home  to  the 
people  with  a  new  appeal.  Alas,  that  it 
should  have  required  such  a  world  disaster 
to  force  men  to  see  the  things  that  ought  to 
have  been  so  evident 

In  the  revealing  light  of  to-day  we  see  the 
extent  and  menace  of  these  social  evils.  The 
scientist  has  known  that  we  were  wasteful 
of  child  life;  in  America  there  are  fully 

c  [  23  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


three  hundred  thousand  needless  deaths 
among  children  each  year;  but  war  has 
forced  home  upon  us  the  meaning  of  this 
waste.  Now  the  nation  is  alarmed,  and  the 
people  are  asking  what  they  can  do  to  pre- 
vent this  loss.  Social  workers  have  known 
how  prevalent  and  deadly  were  venereal  dis- 
eases, how  they  are  responsible  for  a  large 
proportion  of  broken  lives,  of  brain  and  ner- 
vous disorders;  how  they  are  the  cause  of 
feeble-minded  children  and  ruined  manhood. 
But  the  war  forced  us.  to  see  the  menace  in 
these  diseases  to  the  efficiency  of  the  army 
and  the  winning  of  the  war.  So  the  govern- 
ment Jias  taken  heroic  measures  to  reduce 
the  evil  and  protect  the  soldiers  from  con- 
tamination. Sanitarians  have  known  that 
many  of  the  people  were  suffering  from  va- 
rious ills  that  reduce  men's  working  effi- 
ciency and  cause  much  misery.  We  have 
known  in  a  general  way  that  many  were  de- 
fective :at  some  point,  physical  or  mental. 
In  the  four  years  before  the  war  it  appears, 
according  to  figures  of  the  surgeon  general 
of  the  United  States,  that  seventy-eight  per 
cent  of  the  men  volunteering  for  army  ser- 
vice were  defective  and  had  to  be  rejected. 
But  the  war  revealed  the  seriousness  of  this 
fact  and  its  menace  to  the  nation.  . _In  all 
times  men  have  seen  the  evil  of  poverty  and 

,..^._  «*-•»-• 

[24] 


The  Rebuilding  of  the  Community 

lia\c  lamented  its  prevalence.  But  it  is  only 
in  these  latter  times  that  we  have  seen  its 
real  nature  and  have  measured  its  results. 
We  see  that  the  most  tragic  fact  about  pov- 
erty" is  not  the  hunger  and  the  cold,  though 
these  are  sad  enough;  the  real  tragedy  is 
lack  of  opportunity  and  meagerness  of  life. 
In  its  results  it  both  impairs  the  vitality  of 
the  nation  and  causes  bitter  resentment.  In 
all  lands  also  there  has  been  industrial  fric- 
tion with  class  arrayed  against  class  in  bitter 
strife.  But  the  world  war  has  revealed  the 
extent  and  danger  of  this  friction ;  it  breaks 
the  unity  of  the  people  and  hinders  the  pro- 
ductive power  of  the  nation.  More  than 
that,  it  sadly  discounts  our  Christianity  and 
discredits  our  civilization.  Thus  whichever 
way  one  turns,  he  beholds  human  sorrow, 
social  evils,  industrial  strife,  bitter  warfare. 

It  has  become  evident  that  the  present 
social  order  is  in  large  part  responsible  for 
the  prevalence  of  these  evils.  Social  condi- 
tions are  the  chief  cause-of  these  social  trage- 
dies ;  as  long  as  these  conditions  exist  we  can 
neither  cure  nor  prevent  social  waste  and 
misery.  Any  one  who  has  eyes  to  see  knows 
that  many  thing's  are  wrong  in  the  present 
social  order.  Our  cities  are  dirty,  ugly,  un- 
wholesome, unsanitary:  in  many  sections  it 
is  practically  impossible  to  live  a  normal, 

[25] 


healthy,  moral  life.  Our  civilization  has  its 
brighter  side  and  has  brought  wealth  and 
opportunity  to  many.  But  it  has  its  darker 
side,  and  this  means  waste  and  disease, 
poverty  and  misery  to  millions.  The  princi- 
ples and  policies  of  the  nations  have  resulted 
in  the  greatest  war  of  all  history.  Thus  the 
present  time  witnesses  the  virtual  break- 
down of  the  present  social  order. 

An  evil  well  discovered  is  half  cured.  To- 
^ay  as'  never  before  men  are  feeling  these 
evils  and  are  trying  to  find  the  causes  and 
the  remedy.  Society  ought  to  have  felt  the 
evil  and  damage  of  such  things  long  ago; 
and  society  as  a  matter  of  moral  right  ought 
to  have  set  about  the  prevention  and  cure  of 
these  evils.  To-day  as  a  matter  of  self- 
preservation  the  nation  is  forced  to  grapple 
with  disease  and  poverty,  drink  and  venereal 
disorders,  and  to  undertake  their  cure. 
Whatever  may  be  the  occasion  and  the  mo- 
tive, men  are  summoned  to  reconstruct  the 
social  order  and  thus  prevent  these  evils  and 
promote  human  well-being. 

Three  things  are  significant  here:  Men 
are  growing  a  conviction  that  these  evils  are 
unnecessary  and  can  be  cured;  they  are 
searching  for  causes  and  remedies;  and  they 
are  determined  to  build  a  better  and  more 
Christian  social  order. 

[26] 


'/'//'•  Rebuilding  of  ttic  Community 

I.  The  Searcli  for  Causes.  The  time  was 
when  men  accepted  the  dark  and  tragic 
things  of  the  world  as  a  matter  of  course. 
These  things  are  here  in  some  mysterious 
providence.  Some  of  them  are  inevitable  and 
necessary;  they  must  therefore  be  endured 
for  the  present  Some  of  them  are  a  part 
of Jife's  discipline;  but  never  mind,  tilings 
will  be  adjusted  in  another  world  and  evened 
upyonder.  All  we  can  do  is  to  alleviate 
distress  and  make  our  human  lot  a  little 
more  endurable. 

This  answer  no  longer  satisfies  the  man 
who  believes  in  Jesus  Christ.  He  tells  us 
that  God  loves  the  world  and  wants  all  men 
to  know  and  rejoice  in  his  love.  He  tells  us 
that  it  is  not  the  will  of  the  Father  in  heaven 
that  one  of  his  little  ones  should  perish. 
And  he  shows  us  that  the  will  of  God  is  the 
sweetest,  gladdest,  brightest  thing  that  the 
heart  of  the  Father  can  wish  for  his  chil- 
dren. Further,  he  declares  that  Christ  came, 
not  to  condemn  the  world,  but  to  save  the 
world.  The  will  of  God  is  a  will  to  all  good- 
ness and  justice  and  peace.  The  evils  that 
afflict  our  humanity  and  ruin  so  many  lives 
are,  therefore,  not  due  to  the  will  of  God; 
they  are  contrary  to  the  Father's  purpose 
and  must  no  longer  be  accepted  as  divine  or 
necessary. 

[  27  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


The  order  that  exists  to-day  is  not  the 
order  that  God  wills  and  ordains.  The 
heavenly  Father  does  not  wish  and  does 
not  ordain  that  Lazarus  shall  starve  at  the 
gate  while  Dives  feasts  in  the  palace;  he 
does  not  ordain  that  slums  shall  exist  where 
infants  pant  for  air  and  wail  out  their  little 
lives;  he  does  not  wish  that  in  crowded  tene- 
ments not  fit  for  pigsties,  mothers  shall  fight 
with  fever  and  girls  shall  make  a  losing  fight 
for  virtue;  he  does  not  ordain  that  saloons 
shall  exist  where  men  are  tempted  to  drink, 
or  that  a  certain  proportion  of  women  shall 
be  tolled  off  to  minister  to  the  lawless  pas- 
sions of  men;  he  does  not  ordain  that  one 
man  shall  become  the  possessor  of  millions  of 
money  and  shall  control  the  lives  of  thou- 
sands of  men,  while  the  great  mass  of  men 
must  toil  without  hope  and  labor  for  an  in~ 
adequate  wage;  he  does  not  ordain  that  a 
few  men  shall  control  the  land  and  trade  and 
industry,  while  the  great  mass  of  men  are 
aliens  in  the  land  of  their  birth,  without  pos- 
sessions and  opportunity  and  true  home  life. 
To  say  that  God  wishes  and  ordains  all  this 
is  to  impeach  at  once  his  goodness  and  his 
love.  To  oppose  these  social  evils,  to  declare 
that  they  are  evils,  to  believe  that  God  is 
against  them  and  is  with  us  in  trying  to  de- 
stroy them,  to  believe  that  they  can  be 

[28] 


The  Rebuilding  of  the  Community 

destroyed,    is   the   true   Christian   attitude 
to-day. 

One  of  the  most  significant  discoveries  of 
our  time  is  this:  Things  have  causes;  and 
social  evils  have  social  causes.  These  causes 
are  many  and  complex.  Some  of  them  are 
personal;  but  many  of  them  are  social. 
Many  of  these  miseries  are  due  to  men  them- 
selves, to  their  blundering,  their  ignorance, 
their  meanness  and  selfishness.  But  beyond 
this,  they  are  due  to  defects  and  maladjust- 
ments in  the  social  order  and  to  bad  social 
conditions.  The  causes  of_discasc  are  many 
and  various.  Some  are  personal  and  are 
found  in  the  vices  of  men.  Much  sickness 
is  due  to  ignorance  and  neglect  But  the 
causes  of  many  diseases  are  bad  social  condi- 
tions, bad  housing,  overcrowding,  unsani- 
tary conditions,  and  civic  neglect.  Much 
crime  can  be  traced  back  to  the  individual 
hTnTself,  to  his  ignorance,  his  selfishness,  his 
choice  of  evil.  But  this  is  only  half  the 
story,  for  crime  is  no  less  a  social  product. 
It  is  due  to  evil  surroundings,  to  bad  com- 
panions, to  foul  literature,  to  evil  sugges- 
tions. Pres.  G.  Stanley  Hall  is  right;  that 
every  society  has  the  number  and  kind  of 
criminals  that  it  makes  and  deserves.  The 
time  was  also  when  all  poster ty  was  charged 
up  against  the  individual  himself,  to  his  own 

[29] 


The  New  World  Order 


laziness  and  shiftlessness.  But  we  know  to- 
day that  much  poverty  is  due  to  social 
causes,  to  lack  of  industrial  training,  to  un- 
employment, to  accident,  to  economic  mal- 
adjustment, to  monopoly  and  exploitation. 
And  so  Prof.  Amos  R.  Warner  is  justified 
in  his  declaration  that  seventy-four  per  cent 
of  the  poverty  in  our  land  is  due  to  causes 
over  which  the  individual  himself  has  no 
control.  And  misery  is  due  no  less  to  social 
causes  and  conditions,  as  is  shown  very 
clearly  in  Professor  Devine's  study  of 
"  Misery." 

We  do  not  mean  to  ignore  the  personal 
element,  for  this  counts  for  much  in  the  lives 
of  men  and  the  failures  they  make.  Yet  the 
fact  remains  that  these  social  evils  are  due 
in  large  part  to  causes  over  which  the  in- 
dividual himself  has  no  control. .  .They  are 
the  direct  result  of  defects  and  maladjust- 
ments in  the  social  order.  They  can  be 
cured,  therefore,  not  by  individual  effort  and 
action  alone,  but  by  removing  defects  in 
the  social  order  and  changing  social  condi- 
tions. As  long  as  these  conditions  exist,  so 
long  will  these  evils  follow.  As  long  as  such 
defects  are  here,  we  will  work  at  a  fatal  dis- 
advantage in  trying  to  reach  individuals  and 
save  society.  Our  duty  therefore,  is  clear: 
we  must  find  the  defects  and  maladjustments 

[30] 


The  Rebuilding  of  the  Community 

in  the  social  order  and  reconstruct  that  order 
both  to  cure  and  to  prevent  such  social  evils. 
This  demands  some  deep  and  radical 
changes,  it  implies  a  complete  reconstruction 
of  the  community  life. 

II.  XheNeed  of  a  Larger  Program.  As 
every  onelcnoWs,  fhe  Christian  discrpleship 
has  felt  these  evils  of  humanity  and  the 
Christian  spirit  has  moved  men  to  many 
forms  of  helpful  service.  In  the  generations 
past  great  things  have  been  done  in  the 
name  of  Christ  to  relieve  distress,  to  lift 
up  the  fallen,  to  reform  the  delinquent, 
to  mitigate  human  suffering.  To  enumer- 
ate these  efforts  and  achievements  would 
require  a  large  volume.  This  work  has 
been  done  by  Charles  Loring  Brace  in 
"  Gesta  Christi,"  by  Lecky,  and  others.  We 
cannot  too  highly  honor  the  efforts  of  men 
to  express  the  spirit  of  Christ  and  to  help 
their  fellows. 

These  efforts,  however,  have  been  largely 
confined  to  individual  work  with  indi- 
viduals. And  they  have  mainly  limited 
themselves  to  relieving  distress  and  dealing 
\\-ith  results.  The  churches  have  striven  ear- 
nestly to  "  rescue  the  perishing,  to  care  for 
the  dying  "  ;  they  have  sought  to  save  the  in- 
dividual and  to  build  him  up  in  Christ  Jesus. 
So  they  have  preached  the  gospel,  distrib- 


The  New  World  Order 


uted  Bibles,  conducted  rescue  missions,  and 
provided  Sunday  Schools.  They  have 
created  many  agencies  of  helpful  service — 
as  hospitals,  orphanages,  relief  stations,  and 
Red  Cross  societies.  The  public  school  has 
gathered  and  trained  the  children  and  has 
taught  physiology  and  hygiene;  it  has  tried 
to  secure  a  sound  mind  in  a  sound  body ;  and 
its  efforts  have  been  crowned  with  remark- 
able success.  The  community  has  provided 
soup-kitchens  and  parks  for  the  people;  it 
has  sustained  a  police  department  and  a 
charity  organization  society.  The  state  has 
passed  laws  to  punish  and  restrain  the  de- 
linquent; it  has  built  prisons  and  reforma- 
tories, hospitals,  and  sanitariums  for  the 
care  of  the  diseased.  All  of  this  work  is 
most  worthy  and  is  productive  of  large  re- 
sults; much  of  it  must  continue  for  a  long 
time  to  come. 

But  it  has  become  very  clear  that  this  is 
not  enough.  Our  plans  and  efforts  fail  to 
secure  the  largest  results  because  they  deal 
with  symptoms  and  not  with  causes.  They 
fail  to  reduce  the  amount  of  misery  because 
they  seek  to  relieve  and  not  to  prevent. 
They  seek  to  cure  evils  by  amelioratives 
when  they  should  find  fundamental  de- 
fects and  change  the  social  order.  Soup- 
kitchens,  rescue  missions,  orphanages,  hos- 

[32] 


The  Rebuilding  of  the  Community 

pitals,  prisons,  and  reformatories  do  much 
good  and  are  wholly  necessary  at  this  stage. 
At  best,  however,  they  are  palliatives  and 
makeshifts;  they  may  help  individuals  but 
do  not  change  conditions;  they  relieve  dis- 
tress but  do  not  prevent  evils.  We  are  try- 
ing to  get  beneficent  and  Christian  results 
out  of  an  unchristian  social  order.  "  Who 
can  bring  a  clean  thing  out  of  an  unclean  ? 
Not  one."  "A  corrupt  tree  cannot  bring 
forth  good  fruit"  As  long  as  these  defects 
in  the  social  order  remain,  so  long  we  work 
at  a  disadvantage.  As  long  as  evil  condi- 
tions continue  in  our  communities,  we  shall 
find  ourselves  defeated  at  every  turn  and 
shall  have  a  flood  of  social  evils. 

We  need  a  large,  comprehensive,  scien- 
tific, and  constructive  program  of  social  re- 
construction. We  need  a  program  that  shall 
take  into  account  the  great  factors  and 
forces  that  enter  into  the  making  of  life 
and  the  processes  of  society.  It  has  become 
evident  that  social  conditions,  such  as  moral 
atmosphere,  companions,  saloons,  red-light 
districts,  housing  regulations,  industrial 
methods,  income,  and  recreation,  have  much 
to  do  with  the  shape  and  bent  of  the  life, 
with  personal  morality,  disease  and  crime, 
the  death-rate  of  children,  church  atten- 
dance, poverty,  and  misery.  Individual 

[33] 


The  J\ew  World  Order 


health  is  menaced  in  unsanitary  surround- 
ings ;  it  is  no  defense  against  unsanitary  con- 
ditions. Personal  morality  is  difficult  in 
immoral  surroundings;  it  can  hardly  resist 
the  down-drag  of  a  vicious  environment.  In 
a  more  positive  way  we  must  recognize  the 
factors  that  develop  capacity  and  make  for 
human  well-being.  The  saved  soul  demands 
a  safe  environment.  Three-fourths  of  the 
children  who  come  before  juvenile  courts 
come  because  of  a  perverted  play  instinct. 
Society  must  therefore  provide  means  of 
recreation  that  shall  both  keep  the  child 
from  vicious  ways  and  really  develop  char- 
acter. 

It  is  just  here  that  we  see  the  lack  in  many 
of  the  plans  and  methods  to-day :  They  deal 
with  symptoms  when  they  should  deal  with 
causes.  They  seek  to  relieve  evils  by 
amelioratives  when  they  should  deal  with 
fundamental  defects  and  change  the  social 
order.  Many  of  the  books  and  plans  dealing 
with  social  questions  are  interesting  and  well 
meaning,  and  perhaps  suggest  some  reme- 
dies that  will  accomplish  much  good.  But 
nine-tenths  of  them  concern  themselves  with 
symptoms  merely;  they  never  touch  funda- 
mental issues  and  never  catch  sight  of  under- 
lying principles.  They  move  in  the  realm  of 
palliatives  and  amelioratives ;  they  either  do 

[34] 


The  Rebuilding  of  the  Community 

not  see  the  defects  in  the  existing  system  or 
they  are  afraid  to  disturb  it.  It  may  be  said 
of  them  as  it  was  said  of  the  unskilful  phy- 
sicians of  old,  "  They  heal  the  hurt  of  the 
daughter  of  my  people  but  slightly."  Three- 
fourths  of  our  efforts  are  wasted  because 
we  ignore  fundamental  causes  and  accept 
existing  conditions.  Three-fourths  of  the 
discussions  of  the  social  problem  deal  with 
incidentals  merely  and  ignore  the  funda- 
mental issue 'of  social  justice.  We  are  try- 
ing to  rescue  souls  out  of  the  slums,  but 
we  accept  slums  as  a  matter  of  course.  Our 
first  duty  is  to  abolish  the  slum  itself  We 
nurse  the  sick  and  build  sanitariums  for  the 
tubercular;  but  we  permit  men  to  build  and 
rent  unsanitary  tenements.  Our  first  duty 
here  is  to  build  cities  on  human  and  healthful 
lines.  We  patch  up  the  social  system  and 
try  to  make  life  endurable  under  it;  but  we 
stop  at  the  point  where  our  work  really  be- 
gins. We  should  go  forward  and  demand  a 
better  system.  Our  course  is  therefore 
clear ;  we  must  change  social  conditions  and 
build  a  Christian  social  order.  We  must  so 
reconstruct  this  order  as  to  prevent  the 
tragic  ills  of  society  and  build  up  life  in  its 
fulness  and  power. 

III.  The  Program  of  Reconstruction.    In 
carrying  out  this  program  there  must  be 

[351 


The  New  World  Order 


some  thoroughgoing  changes  in  our  methods 
and  some  radical  reconstruction  of  the  com- 
munity life. 

i.  We  must  search  for  social  defects  and 
deal  with  social  causes.  It  is  not  my  purpose 
[ /here  to  analyze  these  defects  or  illustrate  the 
[/method  of  inquiry.  This  work  has  been 
largely  completed  and  the  main  conclusions 
are  within  reach.  In  recent  years  some 
pretty  thorough  studies  have  been  made  of 
such  phenomena  as  disease  and  poverty, 
crime  and  feeble-mindedness ;  and  sociolo- 
gists are  well  agreed  as  to  the  causes,  direct 
and  indirect,  of  these  things.  But  this 
knowledge  has  not  entered  into  the  thinking 
of  the  people ;  and  it  has  not  determined  the 
people's  conscience.  Our  great  duty  at  this 
itime  is  to  recognize  the  relation  between  so- 
Icial  causes  and  social  effects,  and  then  to  so- 
cialize this  knowledge  of  social  phenomena. 
Then  in  the  light  of  this  knowledge  we  must 
adopt  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary 
and  change  the  community  order. 

We  want  to  reduce  the  number  of  delin- 
quents and  lessen  the  amount  of  crime.  By 
all  means  establish  Sunday  Schools  and  hold 
evangelistic  meetings.  By  all  means  teach 
children  the  way  of  life  and  urge  parents  to 
do  their  duty.  But  at  the  same  time  and 
with  equal  urgency  we  must  abolish  the 

[36] 


Ttie  Rebuilding  of  llw.  Community 

things  that  suggest  evil,  such  as  bad  pictures 
and  unfit  shows.  We  must  get  rid  of  saloons 
and  vicious  resorts.  And  we  must  demand 
satisfactory  housing  conditions  for  all  fami- 
lies and  provide  adequate  and  wholesome 
recreation. 

We  are  anxious  to  reduce  the  death-rate 
and  prevent  sickness  and  misery.  It  is  neces- 
sary for  us  to  teach  the  laws  of  hygiene  and 
provide  hospitals  and  sanitariums.  But  we 
must  go  back  and  deal  with  causes  which 
produce  unsanitary  tenements  and  over- 
crowding. This  demands  that  the  state 
have  a  good  building  and  housing  code;  it 
demands  that  speculative  holding  of  land  in 
and  around  the  city  shall  cease ;  it  necessitates 
the  full  public  control  of  all  public  service 
corporations  and  the  provision  of  such  ser- 
vice by  the  city.  So  long  as  public  service 
corporations  can  obtain  exclusive  franchises, 
overissue  stocks,  pay  dividends  on  "  water," 
they  will  charge  high  rates  and  give  inade- 
quate service.  The  cure  and  prevention  of 
poverty  is  one  of  the  aims  we  set  before  our- 
selves. To  this  end  society  must  provide 
an  adequate  education,  technical  and  voca- 
tional. The  church  and  home  must  teach 
thrift  and  diligence.  But  these  things  alone 
can  neither  cure  nor  prevent  poverty, 
ciety  must  go  further  and  end  economic 

[37] 


The  New  World  Order 


privilege  and  monopoly ;  it  must  broaden  the 
way  of  success  for  all  and  keep  the  door  of 
opportunity  wide  open;  it  must  establish 
full  social  justice  and  ensure  every  person 
his  equity  in  the  national  heritage.1 
\  2.  It  is  necessary  to  rebuild  the  commu- 
nity on  human,  moral,  sanitary,  wholesome 
I  lines.  One  of  the  oldest  traditions  of  our 
race  says  that  Cain,  after  the  murder  of  his 
brother,  went  out  from  the  presence  of  the 
Lord  and  built  a  city.  The  race  has  kept  up 
that  tradition  pretty  faithfully  ever  since, 
for  our  cities  have  been  evil  and  murderous 
institutions.  The  city  must  be  rebuilt  be- 
fore the  kingdom  of  God  can  come  and  re- 
main. Suppose  that  by  some  divine  fiat 
every  person  in  New  York  City  or  London 
could  be  converted  to  God  and  desire  to  live 
the  Christian  life.  It  is  morally  certain  that 
they  could  not  live  the  Christian  life  in  such 
cities.  It  is  certain  that  no  city  of  God 
would  be  possible  in  either  city;  for  true 
home  life  is  impossible  to  millions  of  people ; 
they  could  not  live  normal,  healthful,  whole- 
some lives  in  such  conditions.  A  mission 
worker  in  New  York  City  said :  "  I  am  more 
and  more  convinced  as  time  goes  by,  that 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  creating  the  type  of 
church  life  we  desire  in  New  York  either 

1Todd,  "Theories  of  Social  Progress,"  p.  486. 
[38] 


The  Rebuilding  of  tlie  Community 

among  the  very  rich  or  among  the  poor,  for 
that  matter,  so  long  as  unchristian  condi- 
tions characterize  industry,  housing,  and 
amusement."  These  unchristian  conditions 
will  not  be  conquered  simply  by  a  general 
feeling  of  good  will,  but  require  definite  and 
well-thought-out  plans  of  action  by  which 
good  will  may  be  made  to  work.  That  these 
cities  may  become  cities  of  God  they  must 
be  changed  and  reconstructed  from  center  to 
circumference.  That  men  themselves  in 
these  cities  may  live  as  citizens  of  the  king- 
dom, the  entire  order  of  the  city,  its  cus- 
toms, ideals,  its  housing,  its  industry,  must 
be  reconstructed  and  Christianized. 

3.  All  this  demands  work  along  many 
lines.  It  requires  a  study  of  social  conditions 
on  the  part  of  Christian  people.  It  demands  a  j 
broad  and  comprehensive  program  of  social 
redemption.  It  demands  that  we  touch  life  on 
all  sides  and  deal  with  all  social  factors.  It 
implies  that  we  seek  to  have  the  life  well  born 
and  well  nurtured.  It  implies  the  elimina- 
tion of  social  evils  that  man's  life  may  be 
freed  from  the  handicaps  upon  it.  It  implies 
the  effort  to  adjust  the  relations  of  men  all 
along  the  line  in  terms  of  justice,  love,  and 
brotherhood.  And  it  demands  some  radical 
changes  in  the  transportation  service  of  the 
city.  It  demands  a  change  in  the  housing 

D  [39] 


The  New  World  Order 


system  with  adequate  provision  for  family 
life.  It  demands  some  thoroughgoing 
changes  in  the  industrial  order  from  the 
wage  system  to  cooperative  industry.  It  de- 
mands that  we  end  the  reign  of  privilege 
and  wealth  in  our  land,  and  make  wealth  and 
industry  serve  life.  It  will  demand  such  a 
use  of  the  resources  of  the  nation  for  the 
people's  benefit  as  will  ensure  every  person 
his  equity  in  the  national  inheritance.  It 
will  demand  adequate  provision  for  play  and 
recreation,  with  full  opportunity  for  rest 
and  relaxation.  It  will  demand  such  changes 
in  the  whole  educational  system  as  will  give 
every  person  an  adequate  training  for  life 
and  efficiency.  It  will  demand  such  a  re- 
newal of  social  conditions  as  shall  guarantee 
every  person  a  fair  opportunity  in  society. 

And  this  implies  such  a  reconstruction  of 
the" social  order  as  shall  equalize  opportunity 
and  give  every  life  full  scope.  Jjg  fhp  preg- 
ent  system  we  fincf  sT^iw^people  drawing 
Targe  incomes,  holding-  valuable  privileges,, 
living  m  fine  houses ;  and  we  find  many  people 
with  meager  incomes,  with  little  opportunity, 
living  in  narrow,  rented  teneijients.  And'  all 
this,  be  it  noted,  with  little  or  no  relation  to 
the  personal  merit  or  demerit  of  the  persons 
involved.  The  deeper  we  go  into  life,  the 
more  closely  we  study  social  conditions,  the 

[40] 


The  Rebuilding  of  llie  Community 

more  certain  it  becomes  that  these  things  arc- 
due  to  defects  and  maladjustments  in  so- 
ciety ;  and  they  can  be  remedied  not  through 
personal  efforts  alone  but  through  changes 
in  the  social  system.  There  is  food  enough 
for  all ;  there  is  shelter,  clothing,  education, 
opportunity  enough  for  all.  Yet  many  have 
none  of  these  things.  Why  not?  "  It  is 
not  the  will  of  the  Father  who  is  in  heaven 
that  one  of  his  little  ones  should  perish." 
The  Christ  has  come  that  men  might  have 
life  and  might  have  it  more  abundantly.  It 
is  therefore  the  duty  of  all  who  believe  in 
the  kingdom  of  God  to  seek  to  secure  a  more 
equitable  distribution  of  the  resources  of 
society,  to  equalize  opportunity,  and  to  give 
every  person  advantageous  conditions  in  the 
struggle  of  life. 

4.  Thus  far  our  program  has  been  largely 
negative  both  in  spirit  and  method.  J[£jjas 
suugtlt  to  cure  and  prevent  social-  loss  and 
failure.  This  vvork'  so  necessary  at  this 
stage  is  yet  but  a  part  of  the  redemptive  pur- 
pose of  the  kingdom  and  rnuj^J^jggmj^eJ^ 
in  the  more  positive  and>4MaMMH!ive''fmv> 
£rnin.  For  Christ  has  come,  not  alone  to 
save  that  which  was  lost,  but  to  build  up  the 
kingdom  of  God  on  earth.  He  has  come 
that  men  might  have  life,  the  abundant  life, 
life  physical,  life  mental,  life  moral,  life 


The  New  World  Order 


spiritual.  It  is  the  Father's  will  that  all  shall 
have  this  life,  that  they  shall  grow  tall  and 
straight,  with  head  full,  heart  full,  body 
strong,  spirit  free,  each  and  all  attaining 
unto  the  measure  of  the  stature  of  the  ful- 
ness of  Christ.  The  marks  of  the  kingdom 
are  all  vital  and  positive,  as  Bread,  Safety, 
Fellowship,  Health,  Beauty,  Plenty,  Peace, 
Joy.  This  world  is  intended  to  be  the  nur- 
sery of  souls.  The  community  should  -be  a 
safe  place  for  boys  and  girls  to  grow  up  in. 
The  ideal  of  the  kingdom  implies  the  perfect 
life  in  the  perfect  society.  We  may  be  far 
from  attaining  this  goal  either  in  its  per- 
sonal or  its  social  aspect.  But  faith  consists 
in  the  sight  of  the  true  ideal,  and  religion 
consists  in  struggle  toward  it. 

It  is  necessary  therefore  that  ,  the  social 
program  should  be  positive  and^constructive. 
It  should  cure  -a«d  prevent  disease  and 

all  it  should 


seek  to  develop  health  and  promote  happi- 
ness. Relief  of  suffering  and  need  is  the 
immediate  thing;  but  in  all  and  beyond  all 
the  constant  effort  should  be  to  prevent 
misery  and  develop  life.  It  is  necessary  to 
rescue  the  perishing  and  care  for  the  dying  ; 
but  it  is  better  to  keep  men  from  falling  and 
to  train  their  wills.  It  is  right  and  Chris- 
tian to  win  back  the  erring  and  take  up 

[42] 


The  Rebuilding  of  Uie  Community 

stumbling-blocks  out  of  the  way;  but  it  is 
quite  as  right  and  Oiristian  to  make  straight 
paths  for  men's  feet  lest  that  which  is  lame 
be  turned  out  of  the  way,  but  that  it  may 
rather  be  healed.  This  suggests  a  splendid 
program  and  calls  men  to  a  positive  task. 
It  should  be  our  purpose  to  create  such  ideals 
and  customs  as  shall  develop  capacity  and 
induce  a  right  course  of  conduct.  Men  must 
create  such  institutions  of  society  as  shall 
serve  life  and  make  for  happiness,  love,  jus- 
tice, plenty.  Our  task  is  that  of  creating  a 
righteous,  ChristKuTSotraF  or  tier,  that  shall 

bless  man  and  advance  the  whole  kingdom 

e  /~>    i 
of  God. 

In  summary,  six  things  are  vital.  £003! 
evils  have  social  causes.  Men  must  seek  and 
find  these -causes  and  dead  with  them,  They 
must  cultivate  an  attitude  of  mind  which  will 
make  them  willing  to  pay  the  price  of  prog- 
reSR  JjJQQB&fct  set  to  work  to  create  "a 
just  and  Christian  community  life.  , There 
areMiU  nttussary  evils;  never  again  ..dare  we 
accept  poverty  and  crime,  disease  and  blind- 
ness as  divine  and  inevitable.  From  this 
time  forth  we  challenge  their  right  to  be 
and  demand  that  they  cease.  ^VitTi  fllHTtf  in- 
telligence and  conscience  at  our  command  we 
sit  about'  Llitf  H/Uik  yf  UullUliik  a  Christian 
type -of  community  life. 

[43] 


The  New  World  Order 


REFERENCES 

Ward  and  Edwards,  "Christianizing  Community 
Life." 

Drummond,  "  The  City  Without  a  Church." 
Sears,  "  The  Redemption  of  the  City." 
Ellwood,   "  Sociology   and   Modern   Social    Prob- 
lems." 

Watson,  "  Social  Advance." 
Todd,  "  Theories  of  Social  Progress." 


[44] 


HI 

THE  DEMOCRATIZATION  OF 
INDUSTRY 


Be  not  ye  called  Rabbi:  for  one  is  your  Teacher, 
and  all  ye  are  brothers. 

And  call  no  man  your  father  on  the  earth :  for  one 
is  your  Father,  who  is  in  heaven. 

Neither  be  ye  called  masters:  for  one  is  your 
Master,  even  the  Christ. — Matthew  23  :  8-10. 

Ye  know  that  they  which  are  accounted  to  rule 
over  the  Gentiles  lord  it  over  them;  and  their  great 
ones  exercise  authority  over  them.  But  it  is  not 
so  among  you.  But  whosoever  would  become  great 
among  you,  shall  be  your  minister,  and  whosoever 
would  be  first  among  you,  shall  be  servant  of  all. — 
Mark  10  :  42-45. 

The  passion  for  democracy  has  become  the  master 
passion  of  our  time.  Thus  far,  however,  the  idea  of 
democracy  has  been  interpreted  and  realized  in  its 
political  bearings  and  relations.  But  democracy,  we 
begin  to  see,  is  a  universal  principle,  and  applies  in 
every  relation  and  realm  of  society.  Some  great  re- 
ligious body  is  needed  that  shall  interpret  this  great 
principle  not  in  word  only  but  in  life,  and  shall  lead 
the  world  in  its  search  for  social  and  industrial  de- 
mocracy, and  shall  aid  in  its  practical  realization  in 
society. — The  Social  Service  Commission  of  the 
Northern  Baptist  Convention. 

Christian  democracy  applied  to  industry  means  the 
development  of  cooperative  relations  to  the  fullest 
possible  extent.  The  church  should  therefore  teach 
clearly  the  principle  of  the  fullest  possible  coopera- 
tive control  and  ownership  of  industry  and  the  natu- 
ral resources  upon  which  industry  depends,  in  order 
that  men  may  be  spurred  to  develop  the  methods 
that  shall  express  this  principle. — The  Federal  Coun- 
cil of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America. 


THE  DEMOCRATIZATION  OF 
INDUSTRY 


It  is  admitted  by  all  that  great  changes  are 
coming  in  the  industrial  order.  The  catas- 
trophe which  has  hefullen  the  world  in  the 
war,  as  the  British  Labor  Party's  pro- 
nouncement of  December,  1917,  well  says, 
if  not  the  death  of  European  civilization 
itself,  is  at  any  rate  the  culmination  and 
collapse  of  a  distinctively  industrial  civiliza- 
tion. The  old  economic  system  has  practi- 
cally broken  down  on  our  hands  and  is  in 
disrepute.  Confusion  and  strife  have  filled 
TPovkl,  issuing1  in  a  condition 


that  is  Tittle  short  of  civil  war.  The  situation 
sadly  discounts  our  Christianity  and  se- 
riously discredits  our  American  democracy  ; 
the  peace  of  society  is  broken  and  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  nation  is  impaired,  industrial 
questions  have  long  be^fl  fvfifi^JnglY  trffiTTP 
r  problem  is  now  confessedly 


L 

wax,  iaaid  Sir  Stephenson  Kent,  Director 
deneral  of  Labor  Supply  of  Great  Britain. 
"  If  Great  Britain  had  only  one-eighth  of 

[471 


The  New  World  Order 


the  number  of  labor  troubles  in  the  past  two 
years  that  the  United  States  has  had,  my 
country  would  have  had  to  conclude  a  dis- 
graceful peace  with  Germany  by  this  time." 
Only  the  fact  that  we  have  grown  used  to 
these  troubles,  and  our  attention  has  been 
directed  elsewhere,  has  hidden  this  scandal 
and  menace  from  our  eyes. 

Jallf  of^uceturix^tatjfae.  industrial  .cojidi^. 
tions  that  were  is  ignorant  and  vain.  Re- 
construction "of  the  industrial  order  is  a 
moral  and  a  social  necessity. 
*"  BUT  WflSTHTO'HflWF'^fsn  to  reconstruct  ? 
What  are  the  fundamental  principles  that  we 
should  recognize  and  upon  which  we  should 
build  ?  What  are  the  great  ends  that  we  are 
to  seek  in  and  through  the  industrial  order? 
What  changes  are  necessary  in  the  primary 
principles  and  ideas  of  men  ?  And  in  what 
new  policies  of  action  and  forms  of  organi- 
zation shall  we  seek  to  embody  the  new  life  ? 
These  are  some  of  the  questions  that  press 
upon  us  as  we  face  the  future. 

I.  The  Present  Industrial  Order  is  Built 
titwn  False  Principles  and  Guided  by  Un- 
christian Ideals.  Its  fundamental  principles 
are  selfish  and  immoral.  In  some  relations  of 
life  we  expect  men  to  be  unselfish  and  gener- 
ous; in  some  realms  of  society  we  regard 
life  as  a  service,  and  we  help  one  another. 

[48] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

But  in  one  realm  we  affirm  the  law  of  selfish- 
ness and  expect  men  to  be  self-seeking.  In 
one  relation  we  accept  it  as  a  matter  of 
course  that  men  will  live  and  labor  for  the 
one  end  of  gain.  We  should  be  shocked  to 
find  a  teacher  or  preacher  or  missionary  who 
chose  his  line  of  work  for  the  sake  of  income 
and  riches.  But  we  expect  a  man  to  engage 
in  business  for  this  one  end  only.  We  do 
not  expect  men  to  be  unselfish  in  their  com- 
mercial life.  We  are  flatly  told,  in  fact,  that 
to  take  away  the  hope  of  large  money  gains 
from  men  is  to  cut  the  nerve  of  effort.  It  is 
assumed  that  selfishness  ynd  sglf-interest 
must  he  the  fundamental  principles  of  eco- 
nomic action.  However  it  may  he  in  other 
realms  ot  life,  whatever  principles  may  pre- 
vail there,  it  is  assumed  that  men  in  the  eco- 
nomic world  are  getting  all  they  can  for 
themselves  and  are  giving  as  little  as  neces- 
sary to  others;  "men  are  free  to  do  one 
another  to  the  death,  provided  only  the  arena 
be  a  market  and  the  instrument  a  bargain." 
Now  fly*  flfiflcipjesof  sdf-intcrest  and 
competition,  by  the  nature  oj;  fo?  ifoit  JjjP 
principles  of  confusion,  and  division.  The 
method*  of  competition  and  self-seeking  are 
causes  of  friction  and  warfare.  Such  princi- 
ples and  methods  foredoom  the  industrial 
world  to  be  a  scene  of  anarchy  and  strife. 


The  New  World  Order 


They  allow  economic  injustice  to  thrive; 
they  give  scope  to  the  reign  of  tyranny  in 
society;  they  sanction  and  justify  the  preda- 
tory and  selfish  interests  in  men.  It  is 
impossible  for  men  to  be  brotherly  in  an  eco- 
nomic order  built  on  selfishness  and  compe- 
tition. The  goodly  fellowship  of  the  apos- 
tles could  not  operate  the  present  industrial 
system  and  make  its  working  either  just  or 
peaceful. 

Our  duty  is  therefore  clear:  all  who  be- 
lieve in  Human  Brotherhood  and  the  Golden 
Rule  are  called  to  repudiate,  the  false  princi- 
ples of  our  economic  life  and  to  honor  the 
true  principles  of  human  association.  They 
are  called  to  change  the  economic  order  and 
make  it  possible  for  one  to  be  a  Christian. 
£hey  are  to  create  a  social  order .  that  will 
set  a  premium  upon  cooperation  and  brother- 
liness.  They  must  build  an  industrial  sys- 
tem that  will  induce  men  to  look  on  one 
another's  good  and  to  take  thought  for  the 
common  welfare.  "  Competition  is  put 
forth  as  the  law  of  the  universe/*  says  Mau- 
rice in  a  letter  to  Kingsley.1  That  is  a  He. 
The  time  is  come  for  us  to  declare  that  it  Is 
a  lie  by  word  and  deed. 

We  all  admit  that  the  profit  motive  vitiates 
the  work  of  the  artist,  the  physician,  the 

1  Maurice,  "  Life,"  Vol.  II,  p.  32. 
[50] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

minister,  the  missionary.  \Ye  must  now  say 
that  the  profit  motive  vitiates  no  less  the 
making  of  pig-iron,  the  running  of  a  rail- 
road, the-tuiu'liicr  of  a  mill,  the  plans  of  a 
corporation.  We  must  teach  that  life  is  a 
service  and  one's  talents  are  his  means  of 
service.  We  must  teach  young  men  to  enter 
the  life  of  business  and  industry  with  the 
same  ideas  and  motives  that  they  cherish  in 
the  family  and  the  church.  We  must  learn 
to  measure  success  in  life,  not  by  the  amount 
of  money  one  has  gathered,  but  by  the  ser- 
vice he  has  rendered.  We  must  change  the 
policy  of  industry  fromTtfiaf 'of  industry  for 
profits  to  that  of  industry  for  .life.  The  time 
iHTcome  for  the  believers  in  the  kingdom  of 
God  to  affirm  the  principles  of  cooperation, 
of  labor  copartnership^  of  industrial  democ- 
racy. Our  task  is  to  honor  the  true  princi- 
ples of  human  association  in  industry  as  in 
church,  and  to  -say  that  all  human  relations 
must  be  personal,  human,  just,  brotherly  re- 
lations. Men  will  play  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  game.  If  society  wants  better 
conduct  of  men  in  industry,  society  must 
change  the  rules  of  the  industrial  system. 

II.  We  Must  Make  these  Ideals  Effective 
in  Xc\v  Methods  of  Industrial  Organization. 
There  are  three  stages  in  the  development 
of  industrial  life.  Xhgjirst  is  called  status. 


The  New  World  Order 


This  is  represented  by  slavery  in  its  various 
forms.  Here  the  worker  is  born  into  a  cer- 
tain status  or  condition,  and  he  has  little 
voice  in  the  choice  of  his  work  and  little 
share  in  the  proceeds  of  labor.  This  stage 
has  practically  passed  away,  and  in  form  at 
least,  is  forever  impossible  in  civilized  lands. 
The  second  is  what  is  called  contract,  and 
£*  this  is  the  system  that  generally  exists 
throughout  the  world.  It  is  known  by  va- 
rious names,  but  at  bottom  it  is  the  wage 
system.  On  one  side  is  an  employer,  whether 
an  individual,  a  company,  or  a  corporation, 
who  has  some  work  to  be  done  for  which  he 
is  willing  to  pay  a  certain  wage.  On  the 
other  side  are  the  working  people,  whether  " 
few  or  many,  organized  or  unorganized. 
These  are  possessed  of  strength,  skill,  and 
labor  power  which  they  are  willing  to  sell 
for  a  certain  wage.  As  a  result  of  the  in- 
dustrial revolution,  brought  about  by  the  in- 
troduction of  power-working  machinery,  we 
have  large-scale  production  and  corporate 
control  of  industry.  Now  we  find  the  great 
industries,  both  in  production  and  in  distri- 
bution, owned  by  absentee  stockholders  who 
manage  the  enterprise  through  directors  and 
superintendents.  We  find  also  the  workers 
massed  in  great  numbers,  without  owner- 
ship in  their  tools  or  voice  in  the  enterprise, 

[52] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

controlled  and  directed  by  managers  and 
agents.  This  has  brought  about  one  of  the 
most  momentous  changes  in  the  history  of 
mankind,  "Jf  he  economic  world  as  we  know 
it,  is  broken  up  into  two  groups,  the  em- 
p!»\ers  and  employees,  and  the  relation  be- 
tween tlieni  has  been  depersonalized,  it  has 
l.'eO'ine  a  mere  "  cash  nexus,"  and  the  prin- 
ciple of  action  is  competition. 

Not  only  so,  but  the,pre&et>t -system  has  de- 
stroyed the  worker's  interest  in  his  work  and 
his  incentive  to  do  his  best.  The  processes 
oT  industry  are  beyond  his  conscious  partici- 
pation ;  he  becomes  a  part  of  the  machinery 
and  a  mere  unit  in  production.  On  all  sides 
employers  complain  of  their  working  people 
because  they  have  no  interest  and  no  loyalty. 
But  frankly  now,  why  should  a  worker  have 
much  interest  in  his  work?  What  is  there 
to  be  loyal  to?  Let  a  man  work  hard  and 
he  becomes  a  pace-maker  for  his  fellows. 
However  hard  he  works,  he  believes  that  it 
makes  little  difference  in  his  pay.  And  no 
man  can  develop  much  loyalty  to  a  soulless 
and  impersonal  corporation. 

The  wage  system  has  broken  down  on 
our  liands  and  is  working-  badly.  Misun- 
derstanding-, friction,  and  strffe  are  not  mere 
incTdents  and  accidents.  They  are  not  due 
alone  to  the  follies  of  working-  men  and  the 

[53] 


The  New  World  Order 


3, 


words  of  irresponsible  agitators;  they  are 
inherent  in  the  system  itself  and  will  con- 
tinue as  long  as  the  system  continues.  This 
system  is  working  at  cross-purposes  with 
human  nature.  Man  is  a  person  and  not  a 
mere  labor  unit;  he  is  a  being  of  mind  and 
heart  and  will.  Ruskin  was  on  solid  ground 
when  he  taught  that  man  was  a  soul  who 
would  not  do  his  best  work  until  his  affec- 
tions and  imagination  were  enlisted.  One 
would  lose  hope  in  human  nature  if  men 
could  be  contented  in  such  a  system.  By  con- 
cessions and  compromises,  by  protocols  and 
trade  agreements  we  may  patch  up  a  truce 
and  may  tide  over  some  difficulties.  _Biit^as_ 
long  as  the  wage  system  exists,  friction  and 
strife  are  foredoomed  and  certain.  We  must 
therefore  create  a  system  that  reduces  the 
chances  of  friction,  that  honors  human 
naTure^anT'enlists  its  motives  in  the  work 
of  life:  we  must  have  .a, system  tbat  creates, 
a  presumption  in  favor  of  cooperation  and 
sets  a  premium  upon  brotherhood. 

It  is  necessary  that  we  pass  into  the  third 
stage  of  industry  and  establish  cooperative 
industry  or  industrial  democracy.  It  is  not 
possible  here  to  consider  all  that  is  involved 
in  this;  but  some  immediate  things  may  be 
noted.  We  must  say  that  an  industry  should 
be  held  to  consist  of  the  stockholders,  the 


[54] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

inana^ers,  and  the  workers.  All  the  parties 
In" an  industry  are  partners  in  the  enterprise; 
and  its  successful  wprking  depends  upon  the 
cooperation  of  all  and  the  contribution  of 
each.  Each  should  have  a  partner's  knowl- 
edge and  a  partner's  voice  in  the  affairs  of 
the  enterprise.  Ownership  and  control  of 
tools  and  products  must  be  in  the  same 
hands.  All  the  partners  should  share  in 
terms  of  equity _'IiTjhe  control  and  proceeds 
of  the  enterprise.  Democracy  ill  industry  is 
just  as  valid  and  as  necessary  as  democracy, 
ilUhe  state. 

III.  In  this  Program  of  Industrial  De- 
mocracy, Some  Tilings  are  Immediate  and 
.Some  are  Ultimate.  Full  democracy  will 
come  as  fast  and  as  far  as  men  are  prepared 
for  it  and  practise  it.  It  does  not  come  by 
wishing  or  by  voting  resolutions.  We  might 
as  well  recognize  the  fact  that  democracy 
produces  results  as  far  as  it  finds  men  who 
have  its  spirit  and  accept  its  obligations. 

I.  That  democracy  mny  hnvni  Jliipirfirrr 
work  mgq  ffiftf  pe.  trained  to  be  citiseas in. 

htstry.  Democracy  in  political  relations 
rests  upon  the  intelligence  of  the  people,  and 
it  assumes  the  competency  of  the  average 
man  in  things  which  concern  the  public  wel- 
fare. Democracy  in  industry  is  as  inevitable 
and  as  necessary  as  democracy  in  the  state. 

[  55  1 


The  Neiv  World  Order 


And  democracy  in  industry  must  rest  upon 
the  interest  and  cooperation  of  all  the  work- 
ers. But  we  cherish  no  illusions  on  this 
point.  Nature  demands  the  best,  and  de- 
mocracy to  justify  itself  must  prove  that  it 
is  more  effective  than  autocracy.  Jh^sn^ 
ce.ssful  practice  of  democracy  in  industry  de- 
pends upon  the  interest  and  skill  of  the  work- 
ers. How  to  secure  this  is  one  of  the  serious 
problems  before  society.  Our  present  indus- 
trial system  has  not  succeeded  at  this  point. 
It  is  wasteful  both  in  human  and  social 
values.  It  is  wasteful  in  that  so  few  workers 
really  do  the  best  work  of  which  they  are 
capable.  It  is  wasteful  in  that  so  many 
workers  are  really  unskilled  and  will  not  try 
to  be  efficient.  It  is  wasteful  because  of  the 
frequent  shifting  of  workers ;  the  labor  turn- 
over results  in  a  dead  loss  to  all  parties.  It 
is  wasteful  in  that  it  does  not  develop  loyal- 
ties; it  does  not  evoke  any  creative  impulses 
in  men ;  many  workers  become  nomads  with- 
out any  sense  of  responsibility  in  society. 
What  can  be  done  to  make  men  qualified  and 
efficient  industrial  workers? 

Mark  this :  democracy  in  the  state  accepts 
its"~ot5ligiation  to  prepare  people  for  qualified 
citizenship ;  so  we  have  the  public  school 
system,  from  the  primary  to  the  university, 
with  many  trade  and  technical  schools  more 

[56] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

or  less  public.     Industrial  democracy  must 

prepare  its  participants  for  qualified  indn-- 
tflSJ  cOQpera.lion7  How  can  this  end  be  at- 
tained ?  ^2IQSttU]UtMfiULJ2&jd^nc  no  doubt 

by  the  development  of  trade-schools,  provid- 
technical  training  and  giving  vocational 
guidance.  I'm  we  must  not  narrow  life  too 
early ;  man  is  a  mind  and  heart,  and  he  must 
think  and  love.  To  narrow  life  and  give 
(only  a  technical  education,  is  to  dehumanize 
man  and  make  him  so  much  less  than  a  man. 
\Ve  must  educate  the  person,  seeking  to 
develop  capacity  and  train  man  to  think 
and  aspire.  Then  he  must  he  made  a  quali- 
fied economic,  worker,  making  a  full  man's 


must  be  provided  an  industrial  education 
which  shall  develop  capacity  and  arouse 
initiative ;  it  must  teach  the  individuals  "  to 
function  with  conscious  creative  intention 
in  the  environment  in  which  they  live  " ;  it 
must  furnish  "  a  basis  for  critical  and  in- 
formed valuations  in  industrial  activity."3 
Let  us  recognize  the  fact  that  it  is  man's 
duty  to  be  a  worker  of  some  kind,  to  be  a 
producer  of  values;  and  he  is  under  obli- 
gation to  produce  commodities  and  values 
to  the  utmost  It  is  true  that  man  has  pro- 
gressed somewhat  beyond  the  deficit  econo- 

*  Marot,  "The  Creative  Impulse  in  Industry,"  p.  114. 
[571 


The  New  World  Order 


my.  But  he  has  not  fully  reached  the  sur- 
plus economy.  Society  has  few  resources, 
and  for  the  present  each  person  must  be  a 
producer. 

In  recent  times  a  means  has  been  devised 
for  creating  efficient  workers  and  increas- 
ing the  product.  Every  one  who  is  ac- 
quainted with  the  facts  knows  that  many 
workers  "  soldier "  at  their  tasks  and  re- 
fuse to  do  their  best.  Various  methods 
have  been  devised  for  stimulating  the 
workers  and  developing  initiative.  By 
bonuses  and  profit-sharing,  by  fines  ancT~ 
pace-making,  employers  have  tried  to  evoke 
more  energy  and  skill  from  the  workers. 
These  things  have  accomplished  something ; 
but  the  results  have  been  disappointing  and 
uncertain.  During  the  past  Decades  there 
has  been  a  detailed  study  of  labor  opera- 
tions; and  there  has  been  developed  a  sys- 
tem of  scientific  management.3  We  cannot 
here  describe  this  system  in  "detail ;  suffice  it 
to  say  it  endeavors  to  eliminate  lost  mo- 
tion in  the  worker,  to  reduce  waste  effort 
to  the  minimum,  to  stimulate  the  worker 
to  do  his  best  and  enable  him  to  produce  the 
maximum  amount. 

v  /"  s  See  Taylor,  "The  Principles  of  Scientific  Management"; 
VHobson,  "Work  and  Wealth,"  chap.  XIV;  Marot,  "The 
A  Creative  Impulse  in  Industry";  King,  "Industry  and  Hu- 
/  \manity,"  chap.  VIII. 

T   i-Q  ~\ 

[  &  J 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

It  must  be  confessed  that  its  results  are 
somewhat  disappointing.  First  of  all,  it 
has  the  opposition  of  organized  labor;  men 
feel  that  it  aims  to  mechanize  them,  to  in- 
crease the  product  without  yielding  any 
commensurate  increase  in  wages.  Some 
employers  do  not  understand  this,  so  they 
attribute  it  to  the  perverseness  of  the  work- 
ers who  will  not  be  aroused  and  managed. 
Others  charge  it  up  to  labor  agitators  who 
are  hostile  to  capitalists.  But  these  expla- 
nations do  not  explain.  The  fact  is,  scien- 
tific management  .as  it  is  applied  ignores 
human  nature.  It  tries  to  secure  results 
from  men  \vitln  nit  creating  in  them  a  desire 
to  do.  It  violates  a  universal  law  in  that  it 
denies  to  vast  numbers  of  individuals  the 
opportunity  to  do  creative  work.4 

To  secure  large  results  from  men  we 
must"  enlist  their  interest,  encourage  initia- 
tive, release  latent  spiritual  forces,  and  de- 
velop a  creative  impulse.  There  is  no  use 
in  exhorting  men  to  feel  a  responsibility  for 
industry  where,  there  is  no  chance  of  bearing 
the  responsibility. 

There  is  only  one  way  out.     TJm  ivuiK» 

ers  must  become  partners  in  the  enterprise, 

Hiey  must  realize  that  they  are  a  part  of  the 

enterprise  and  understand  its  aims  and  share 

*  Marot,  "  The  Creative  Impulse  in  Industry,"  chap.  II. 
[59] 


The  New  World  Order 


inujts  results-.  We  must  develop  the  idea 
of  industry  as  an  adventure  in  creative  enter- 
prise.5 We  must  give  the  workers  an  in- 
centive to  do  their,  best  and  be  as  efficient 
as  possible;  and  this  not  for  the  hour  nor 
for  wage  merely;  but  as  a  creative  enter- 
prise and  a  social  service.  Thus  the  train- 
ing of  the  workers  and  their  efficiency  as 
participants  depend  every  step  of  the  way 
upon  realization  of  democracy  in  industry. 

2.  As  a  preparation  for  democracy  and  a. 
means' to  this  end  We  have  labor  unions  and 
collective  bargaining.  The  churches  have 
affirmed  the  right  of  workers  and  employers 
to  organize ;  and  they  have  approved  of  con- 
ciliations and  arbitration  in  industrial  dis- 
putes. They  further  state  that  a  "first 
method  of  realizing  democracy  in  industry 
is  through  collective  bargaining."  This 
principle  is  agreed  to  in  the  report  of  the 
Employers'  Section  of  the  Federal  Commis- 
sion on  Industrial  Relations.  "  The  princi- 
ple of  collective  bargaining  being  generally 
accepted,  the  urgent  question  is,  what  method 
shall  embody  it?  It  has  already  been  largely 
worked  out  in  agreements  between  organized 
employers  and  organized  workers,  some- 
times covering  an  entire  industry  for  a  large 
section  of  the  country.  The  results,  on  the 

•  Marot,  Ibid,  p.  63. 

[60] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

whole,  have  made  for  true  social  progress. 
To  those  employers  and  workers,  however, 
who  reject  this  method,  the  churches  must 
point  out  that  they  are  under  moral  obliga- 
tion to  discover  some  other  form  of  collec- 
tive bargaining  that  will  make  more  for  the 
good  of  their  industry  and  of  society  at 
large.  The  safety  and  development  of  the 
workers,  the  best  interests  of  employers,  and 
the  security  and  progress  of  the  community 
all  demand  it"  * 

3.  This  may  be  the  first  step  in  the  demo- 
cratic control  of  industry,  but  it  is  not  the 
ftnal  stage.  For  collective  bargaining,  like 
all  bargaining,  is  apt  («>  be  a  struggle  -for 
advantage ;  or  it  may  become  a  mutual  alli- 
ance to  plunder  the  rest  of  the  community* 
Christianity  moves  up  to  higher  ground. 
It  requires  the  supremacy  of  the  principle  of 
cooperation  in  the  industrial  world.  We 
must  therefore  seek  to  unite  all  the  parfWlS 
in  an  enterprise  on  a  cooperative  basis.  This 
may  mean  a  council  of  control  made  up  of 
representatives  of  employers  and  employees, 
who  shall  pass  upon  all  questions  that  affect 
the  industry.  It  will  mean  a  distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  industry  on  the  basis  of  ser- 
vice and  contribution.  It  will  mean  that  all 

• "  Christian  Cooperation  and   World   Redemption,"   Vol.   5, 
p.  66. 

[61] 


The  New  World  Order 


the  parties  shall  be  shareholders  with  a  di- 
rect stake  in  the  enterprise.  It  will  mean 
that  all  who  share  in  the  proceeds  of  indus- 
try shall  render  some  service  with  hand  or 
brain. 

This  implies  the  adoption  of  a  constitution 
or  charter  for  industry,  with  a  bill  of  rights, 
providing  for  joint  and  fair  representation 
of  all  parties,  defining  the  terms  and  condi- 
tions of  labor,  and  containing  standards  to 
which  all  can  refer  and  by  which  they  may 
adjust  all  differences.  This  carries  with  it 
guaranties  of  participation  by  all  parties  in 
knowledge  of  the  enterprise,  community  of 
control,  and  an  equitable  sharing  in  the  pro- 
ceeds. It  provides  also  for  speedy  redress 
of  grievances  by  adequate  means  of  investi- 
gation, conciliation,  and  arbitration.  It  is 
impossible  here,  even  if  it  were  desirable,  to 
give  the  details  of  such  a  program.  But 
valuable  suggestions  are  found  in  the  plan 
of  the  Colorado  Fuel  and  Iron  Company. 
This  includes  an  employees'  bill  of  rights  de- 
fining principles  and  policies  governing  the 
parties  in  possible  cases  of  controversy.  It 
provides  for  joint  representation  on  commit- 
tees dealing  with  such  things  as  conciliation, 
safety,  sanitation  and  housing,  recreation 
and  education.  Beyond  all,  it  contains  the 
beginning  at  least  of  an  industrial  parlia- 

[62] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

ment  guaranteeing  full  representation  to  all 
parties  in  the  enterprise.7  Valuable  sugges- 
tions are  contained  also  in  the  Reports 
of  the  British  Reconstruction  Committee, 
known  as  the  Whitley  Committee,  as  given 
in  three  documents  issued  during  the  war. 
These  reports  provide  that  for  each  industry 
there  shall  be  constituted  joint  industrial 
councils,  composed  of  representatives  of  em- 
ployers and  employed  organized  on  a  three- 
fold basis.  There  are  to  be  works  commit- 
tees of  local  industries;  district  councils 
representing  trade-unions  and  employers'  as- 
sociations in  the  industry  ;  and  national  coun- 
cils which  shall  define  and  maintain  stand- 
ards throughout  industry.  In  addition  most 
significant  suggestions  are  contained  in  the 
memorandum  on  "  The  Industrial  Situation 
After  the  War,"  issued  by  the  Carton  Foun- 
dation. This  much  is  clear  :  The  movement 
toward  democracy  fairly  commits  us  to  the 
task  of  adopting  a  constitution  or  charter 
for  industry  and  providing  for  the  joint 
representation  of  all  parties  in  the  manage- 
ment and  proceeds  of  industry.  l£jsoisekss 
to  talk  ^  Hpmoyrpr  ?T"*  vain  fni 


Tal  peace  until  both  labor  and  capital 
are  thus  represented  in  the  control  of  indus- 

.•^•••••••^•••l  •;•!•!  «IH    •»•  If 


7J.  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr.,  "Colorado  Industrial  Plan,"  1916. 
[63] 


The  New  World  Order 


4.  But_t3iere  isastage^jj^ond  this-which 
must  ever  be  taken  into  account.  We  might 
have  collective  bargaining  and  cooperative 
industry,  and  yet  be  as  far  as  ever  from  real: 
industrial  democracy.  Indus  fry  must  take 
its  place  in  the  social  order  and  come  under 
ffff'siipcrz'ision  and  control  of  society.  The 
time  has  gone  by  when  an  industry  can  re- 
gard itself  as  a  private  business  and  conduct 
its  affairs  for  its  own  advantage  alone. 
The  time  has  passed  when  society,  the  third 
party  in  every  industry,  can  stand  by  and 
suffer  while  employers  and  workers  fight 
out  their  differences.  Neither  employers 
alone  nor  employees  alone,  nor  both  to- 
gether, can  deny  their  social  relations  and 
obligations.  Society  is  an  active  partner  in 
every  enterprise  ana  the  public  interest  must 

i  1 

always  be  paramount. 

Industry  is  not  an  interest  by  itself,  but 
has  social  relations.  Industry  must  there- 
fore be  conducted,  not  for  the  interests  of 
employers  and  employees  alone  or  together, 
but  for  the  sake  of  the  common  weal.  This 
applies  to  the  whole  conduct  of  the  enter- 
prise, in  its  processes  and  its  products,  its 
methods  and  its  results.  Otherwise  we 
might  have  an  industry  that  would  be  wholly 
unsocial  and  undemocratic.  The  particu- 
lar industry  within  itself  might  be  a  co- 

[64] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

operative  group;  within  itself  it  might  be 
democratic  and  peaceful.  But  in  its  rela- 
tion to  society  it  might  be  a  disturbing  and 
injurious  element,  an  imf>criutn  in  imperio, 
considering  only  its  own  interests  and  blind 
to  its  social  relations.  Every  industry  has 
social  relations  and  social  obligations. 
1 1 cnce  its  affairs  must  come  under  the  super- 
vision and  control  of  society.  Hence  also 
in  its  processes  and  results  it  must  be  co- 
operative and  democratic  as  far  as  the  whole 
of  society  is  concerned.  Labor  unionism, 
collective  bargaining,  tractc'  agreements, 
labor  copartnership,  are  good  in  themselves 
as  means  to  an  end.  But  they  never  can  be 
the^end  Itself.  Labor  unionism,  if  strong 
enough. 


tyranny.      Labor    copartnership  might   be- 
come a  close  corporation  and  plunder  the 


The  Christian  and  democratic  principle 
applied  to  industry  demands  that  industry 
be  socialized  and  recognize  both  its  social 
relations  and  obligations.  "  It  insists  that 
no  group  and  no  combination  of  groups 
engaged  in  the  industrial  process  shall  seek 
merely  their  rights  or  privileges.  It  de- 
mands that  every  group  shall  consider  its 
duty  to  the  common  welfare,  that  it  shall 
regard  its  part  of  the  work  as  a,  ministry  of 

[65] 


The  New  World  Order 


service,  and  shall  ask  how  it  may  best  co- 
operate with  all  the  other  groups  to  pro- 
mote the  general  good.  It  can  tolerate 
neither  the  despotism  of  capital  nor  the 
tyranny  of  labor.  When  they  deadlock  in 
struggle  and  become  oblivious  to  the  com- 
mon good,  its  voice  must  demand  that  some 
method  be  found  to  express  the  desires  of 
the  whole  people  and  to  exert  social  con- 
trol." 8  This  implies  the  full  socialization 
of  industry;  and  this  is  discussed  more 
fully  in  the  next  chapter. 

Fpr  the  present  our  duty  is  to  interpret 
and  apply  the  democratic  principle  in  its  re- 
lation to  industry.  The  churches  have  de- 
clared that  democracy"7s  the  social  expres- 
sion of  Christianity.  They  have  affirmed 
that  we  must  realize  the  democratic  principle 
in  industry  no  less  than  in.  the.  state.  "  The 
church  should  therefore  clearly  teach  the 
principle  of  the  fullest  possible  cooperative 
control  and  ownership  of  industry  and  the 
natural  resources  upon  which  industry  de- 
pends, in  order  that  men  may  be  spurred  to 
develop  the  methods  that  shall  express  this 
principle." '  More  than  that,  the  church 
must  arouse  and  inspire  men  to  go  forth  and 
reconstruct  the  industrial  order  on  the  basis 

8  "  Christian  Cooperation  and  World  Redemption,"  Vol.  5, 
p.  67. 

9  Ibid.,  pp.  67,  68. 

[66] 


77ie  Democratization  of  Industry 

of  brotherhood  and  cooperation,  that  thus 
"  all  who  participate  in  industry  shall  be- 
come partners  with  each  other  and  cowork- 
ers  with  God  in  the  service  of  humanity. 
Then  will  industry  become  a  religious  experi- 
ence, developing  mutual  service  and  sacri- 
fice, the  expression  in  economic  terms  of  the 
Fatherhood  of  God  and  the  Brotherhood  of 
Man." 

In  fine,  the  democratic  principle  must  be 
aivepted  in  industry  at  its  full  value.  It 
should  be  unnecessary  to  say  that  autocracy 
in  industry  is  no  better  than  autocracy  in 
the  state.  It  should  be  unnecessary  to  say 
further  that  the  democratic  principle  is  as 
valid  in  one  relation  as  in  the  other.  Those 
who  hold  the  democratic  faith  should  there- 
fore seek  to  interpret  that  principle  in  the 
industrial  order  and  seek  to  realize  it  in 
its  fulness.  It  is  possible  that  the  struggle 
for  democracy  in  industry  will  pass  through 
the  same  stages  as  democracy  in  the  state. 
As  there  have  been  Magna  Chartas  and  Bills 
of  Rights  in  political  life,  so  there  must  be 
Magna  Chartas  and  Bills  of  Rights  in  the 
economic  world.  As  there  are  constitu- 
tional guaranties  in  the  political  realm, 
so  there  must  be  constitutional  guaran- 
ties in  the  industrial  order.  In  a  word, 
there  must  be  some  constitutional  guaranties 

[67] 


The  New  World  Order 


which  define  and  safeguard  the  rights  of 
men  in  industry,  which  recognize  that  in- 
dustrial management  derives  its  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  all  parties,  and  which 
provide  that  wealth  which  is  of  all  and  by 
all  shall  be  by  all  and  for  all. 

In  the  light  of  this  we  see  that  many  of 
the  measures  highly  approved  of  men  may 
not  really  make  for  democracy.  Welfare 
work  for  workers  is  good,  but  we  must  not 
call  it  democratic  or  accept  it  as  a  finality. 
Profit-sharing  recognizes  that  there  is  some- 
thing more  than  wages,  but  it  may  not  be  a 
step  toward  the  goal.  Here,  as  so  often,  the 
good  may  be  the  enemy  of  the  best.  W&4& 
not  havfi  dcmocra^  jfl*  «*  h?vt  71?  flH00 
meeting  as  partners  and  having  a  direct  voice 
in  eyerything  that  rnnrerns..  thft  anfarprise. 
We  do  not  have  democracy  in  industry  till  the 
conduct  of  the  enterprise  both  in  its  processes 
and  its  products  rests  upon  the  consent  of 
the  participants.  There  may  be  collective 
bargaining;  there  may  be  a  committee  on 
conference  on  minor  matters.  But  we  do  not 
have  democracy  as  long  as  the  decision  rests 
with  one  party  and  deals  with  the  employees' 
lives.  We.,  do  not  have  real  democracy  till 
distribution  of  the  product  is  by  common 
consent  and  industry  in,  the  total  process  is 


[68] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

The  various  plans  proposed  to  lessen  in- 
dustrial strife  and  secure  industrial  justice, 
such  as  profit-sharing,  compulsory  arbitra- 
tion, protocols,  and  trade  agreements,  are 
all  good  enough  in  their  way.  They  may 
do  something  as  emergency  measures  to  re- 
duce warfare.  They  may  and  they  may  not 
work  out  the  results  desired.  But  at  best 
they  are  palliatives  and  makeshifts  and  can 
never  bring  industrial  peace,  for  they  stop 
short  of  fundamental  conditions  and  deal 
only  with  surface  symptoms.  We  have  fric- 
tion and  warfare  in  the  industrial  world  to- 
day because  human  relations  are  broken  and 
disturbed.  We  can  never  have  peace  till  we 
have  gone  down  beneath  all  surface  differ- 
ences and  have  dealt  with  fundamental  hu- 
man relations.  We  must  therefore  bring 
about  in  the  community  such  a  spirit  of 
brotherliness  and  sense  of  justice  as  will  rule 
men  in  all  of  their  relations.  We  must  real- 
ize that  men  were  men  and  brothers  before 
they  were  employers  and  employees.  And 
we  must  adjust  the  relations  between  them 
in  terms  of  justice,  love,  and  brotherhood 
and  reconstruct  the  industrial  order  on  a 
Christian  basis. 

Democracy  is  both  a  faith  and  a  practice. 
It  will  be  a  reality  as  fast  and  as  far  as  it 
finds  people  who  see  the  good  and  work  to- 

[69] 


The  New  World  Order 


ward  it.  "  We  are  justified  by  faith,"  says 
the  apostle;  and  our  industrial  life  is  justi- 
fied in  so  far  as  it  accepts  the  true  principle 
and  works  it  out  in  institutions.  It  must 
therefore  be  the  common  aim  of  all  to  affirm 
the  true  faith  and  teach  men  that  it  will 
work.  They  must  seek  to  train  and  prepare 
men  for  effective  participation  in  industry  as 
directors  and  workers.  They  must  seek  to 
give  all  partners  full  knowledge  and  direct 
participation  in  the  industry;  they  must 
recognize  the  right  of  every  person  to  a  voice 
in  everything  that  concerns  his  life.  They 
must  seek  to  bring  the  ownership  and  control 
of  tools  and  product  in  the  same  hands ;  they 
must  guarantee  to  all  parties  full  representa- 
tion in  management,  conditions,  wages,  dis- 
tribution, .^s^democracy  in  government 
means  government  of  the  people,  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  for  the  people;  so  democracy  in  in- 
dustry means  industry  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  and  for  the  people.  And  it  will 
never  have  its  perfect  work  till  in  industry 
as  in  state  we  have  cooperation  of  all  for 
the  sake  of  all. 

The  following  principles  may  be  affirmed : 


That  is  a  good  policy  which  sees  the 
democratic  goal  for  industry  and  carries  us 
toward  it. 

[70] 


The  Democratization  of  Industry 

That  is  a  good  policy  for  the  time  and 
place  which  brings  employers  and  employees 
together  as  partners  and  equals. 

That  is  a  good  policy  which  makes  for  the 
common  ownership  and  control  of  the  tools 
of  industry. 

That  is  a  good  policy  which  prepares  men 
for  intelligent  and  direct  participation  as 
equals  in  the  affairs  of  industry. 

REFERENCES 

Carter,  "  Industrial  Reconstruction." 
Henderson,  "  The  Aims  of  Labor." 
Ward,  "  The  Gospel  for  a  Working  World." 
Hobson,  "  Democracy  After  the  War." 
King,  "  Industry  and  Humanity." 


[71] 


IV 

THE  SOCIALIZATION  OF  THE 
NATION 


He  that  withholdeth  corn,  the  people  shall  curse  him : 
But  blessing  shall  be  upon  the  head  of  him  that 
selleth  it.  — Proverbs  il :  26. 

Open  ye  the  gates,  that  the  righteous  nation  which 
keepeth  truth  shall  enter  in. — Isaiah  26  :  2. 

They  helped  every  one  his  neighbor ;  and  every  one 
said  to  his  brother,  Be  of  good  courage. 

So  the  carpenter  encouraged  the  goldsmith,  and 
he  that  smootheth  with  the  hammer  him  that  smote 
the  anvil,  saying,  It  is  ready  for  the  soldering:  and 
he  fastened  it  with  nails,  that  it  should  not  be 
moved. — Isaiah  41  :  6,  7. 

The  resources  of  the  earth,  being  the  heritage  of 
the  people,  should  not  be  monopolized  by  the  few 
to  the  disadvantage  of  the  many. — The  Social  Ser- 
vice Commission  of  the  Northern  Baptist  Convention. 

If  we  are  to  escape  from  the  decay  of  civilization 
itself  ...  we  must  ensure  that  what  is  presently  to 
be  built  up  is  a  new  social  order,  based  not  on  fight- 
ing but  on  fraternity — not  on  the  competitive  strug- 
gle for  the  means  of  bare  life,  but  on  a  deliberately 
planned  cooperation  in  production  and  distribution 
for  the  benefit  of  all  who  participate  by  hand  or  by 
brain — not  on  the  utmost  possible  inequality  of 
riches,  but  on  a  systematic  approach  toward  a  healthy 
equality  of  material  circumstances  for  every  person 
born  into  the  world. — Draft  Report  on  the  General 
Policy  of  Reconstruction  of  th&  British  Labor  Party. 

God  said,  I  am  tired  of  kings, 

I  suffer  them  no  more ; 
Up  to  my  ear  each  morning  brings 

The  outrage  of  the  poor. 

— Emerson. 


THE  SOCIALIZATION  OF  THE 
NATION 


The  nation  today  faces  a  great  new  task. 
In  the  judgment  which  has  befallen  the 
world  secret  things  are  brought  to  light  and 
hidden  defects  in  society  are  revealed;  the 
inadequacy  of  the  policies  and  programs  of 
the  nations  is  shown.  In  all  this  the  need  of 
a  new  national  policy  is  suggested.  And  in 
the  struggle  of  the  nations  to-day  we  find 
the  hope  of  a  new  social  order.  The  nation 

* 

will  never  be  the  same  as  it  was  before.  A 
return  to  the  statiis  quo  ante  is  impossible. 
Changes  are  coming,  and  we  must  pre- 
pare for  them.  What  shall  these  changes 
be?  Shall  reaction  regain  its  hold  and  con- 
trol the  power  of  industry  and  the  life  of  the 
nation  ?  If  so,  there  is  trouble  ahead,  with 
friction,  strife,  and  rebellion.  Shall  we 
allow  things  to  drift  and  trust  that  they  will 
adjust  themselves?  We  need  to  remember 
that  moral  progress  is  not  automatic ;  things 
grow  better  just  as  fast  and  as  far  as  men 
see  the  better  and  strive  for  it.  To  allow 
things  to  drift  is  to  invite  disaster.  There 

[751 


The  New  World  Order 


is  only  one  course  open,  therefore.  We 
must  understand  the  changes  that  are  right 
and  necessary;  we  must  have  an  intelligent 
conception  of  the  laws  of  social  and  national 
life ;  and  we  must  unite  the  people  in  behalf 
of  social  justice  and  democratic  progress. 
Only  a  few  illustrations  of  the  inadequacy 
of  the  old  policies  can  be  given ;  and  only  a 
bare  outline  of  the  new  policy  can  be  set 
forth. 

I.  The  Failure  of  the  Old  Individualism. 
It  appears,  for  one  thing,  that  we  "have  been 
most  neglectful  and  wasteful' of  ..our  human 
resources.  We  have  been  intent  on  the  proj- 
ect of  developing  the  natural  resources  of 
the  nation,  and  we  have  done  this  at  an  un- 
paralleled rate.  But  in  all  this  we  have  been 
neglectful  of  higher  values  and  have  been 
wasteful  of  the  most  valuable  asset,  the  lives 
given  to  us.  We Jiaye  built  our  cities  and 
developed  our  industries  with  little  regard 
for  the  health,  the  happiness,  the  welfare  of 
the  people. 

It  appears  that  the  industrial  processes 
have  been  regardless  of  the  welfare  of  the 
people  and  the  larger  life  of  the  nation. 
Each  industry  has  been  controlled  by  its  own 
managers,  usually  a  few  men,  whose  imme- 
diate object  was  profits.  Coal  has  been 
mined  with  little  concern  for  the  welfare 

[761 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

of  the  people  to-day  or  the  resources  of  the 
nation  to-morrow.  The  supplies  of  oil  have 
been  exploited  by  individuals  for  the  day's 
profits  without  regard  for  the  coming  gen- 
eration. Individuals  and  corporations  have 
gained  control  of  the  nation's  resources,  and 
have  developed  these  to  their  own  enrich- 
ment without  concern  for  the  rights  of  the 
people,1  Men  have  manipulated  the  rail- 
roads of  the  country  as  mere  gambling  de- 
vices, and  have  practised  stock-jobbing  that 
is  disguised  highway  robbery.  Industries 
have  been  run  for  industry's  sake  with  little 
regard  for  the  life  and  welfare  of  the  work- 
era.  This  has  worn  out  men  and  women 
before  their  time  and  then  thrown  them 
aside  as  so  much  junk.  It  has  worked  the 
spirit  and  hope  out  of  men  and  has  left  life 
devoid  of  eternal  values. 

It  appears  further  that  special  privilege 
and  industrial  autocracy  have  exploited  the 
people  and  have  had  a  malign  influence  upon 
the  nation.  Tlie^.cQatroljgf^  indjustry  _  has 
fallen  into  a  few  hands,  and  these  are  able 
to  determine  the  destiny  of  mittions  of  men. 
They  can  say  how  much  coal  shall  be  mined, 
how  much  wage  the  miner  shall  receive  for 
his  toil,  and  how  much  the  family  shall  pay 
for  fuel.  They  can  decide  what  shall  be  the 

1  Van  Hisc,  "  The  Conservation  of  the  Natural  Resources." 
[77] 


The  New  World  Order 


price  of  crude  oil,  and  how  much  the  people 
shall  pay  for  electric-power.  The  same  is 
true  with  reference  to  transportation  and 
trade.  A  few  men  control  railroads  and  ex- 
press companies  and  are  able  to  make  and 
unmake  communities  and  States.  By  de- 
grees certain  great  combinations  have  gained 
control  of  grain-elevators  and  slaughter- 
houses, and  are  able  to  force  down  the  price 
paid  the  producer  and  force  up  the  price  paid 
by  the  consumer.  By  a  combination  of 
power  on  the  part  of  railroads  and  storage- 
houses,  a  few  people  can  levy  a  heavy  toll 
on  the  people's  food.  Between  the  produc- 
ers and  consumers  stand  certain  interests 
and  combinations  that  fix  prices  and  control 
the  people's  necessities.  As  every  one 
knows,  the  price  of  the  staple  commodities  of 
life  has  no  relation  whatever  to  the  cost  of 
producing  them  and  placing  them  upon  the 
market  Food  pirates  and  selfish  profiteers 
are  able  to  force  down  prices  to  producers 
and  almost  drive  them  out  of  business ;  they 
are  able  to  force  up  prices  to  consumers  to 
virtually  famine  rates.  And  they  have  used 
this  power  to  enrich  themselves  out  of  the 
necessities  of  the  people. 

This  evil  became  especially  patent  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  world  war.  During  the 
past  years  there  has  been  a  marked  increase 

[78] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

in  the  cost  of  living.  When  the  war  began 
what  did  we  find  ?  Practically  every  group 
in  the  land  used  the  war  as  a  plea  for  raising 
the  price  of  everything  they  could  control. 
The  fanner  raised  the  price  of  grain  and 
insisted  on  having  his  share  in  the  general 
increase.  The  miller  and  baker  increased 
their  profits  to  an  impossible  degree.  The 
manufacturers  of  steel  and  the  makers  of 
paper  charged  all  the  traffic  would  bear. 
Coal  operators  used  the  occasion  to  force  up 
the  prices  of  coal.  Men  went  on  strike  and 
crippled  trade  and  hampered  the  govern- 
ment. It  appeared  also  that  all  groups  and 
classes  of  men  were  ready  to  take  advantage 
of  the  nation's  need  and  to  raise  prices  as 
they  pleased.  In  some  cases  there  was  a 
scarcity  of  labor  and  goods,  due  to  the  war 
and  other  causes.  But  in  most  cases  mo- 
nopolists simply  took  advantage  of  the  peo- 
ple and  charged  whatever  they  might  exact. 
A  few  men  became  millionaires  almost  over- 
night. Some  corporations  were  able  to  show 
profits  of  three  hundred  per  cent.  The  cost 
of  living  rose  to  an  almost  prohibitive  figure, 
and  much  distress  fell  upon  millions  of 
families.  Working  men  became  discon- 
tented and  demanded  a  share  in  these  profits. 
Social  unrest  increased  among  the  people, 
and  murmurs  of  revolt  were  heard  every- 

[79] 


The  New  World  Order 


where.  There  were  some,  notable  and  noble 
exceptions  all  along  the  line;  but  these  ex- 
ceptions served  rather  to  show  the  general 
attitude.  Anr*  qfUB 


and  corporations  growing  enormously  rich 
out  of  the  greatest  calamity  of  the  .race  ;  they 
have'  allowed  self-interest  to  determine  their 
attitude  and  conduct  Thus-  -the  individual- 
istic doctrine,  in  its  negative  aspect  at  least, 
leads  to  the  reign  of  capitalism  in  industry 
and  of  self-interest  in  trade. 

"Tn  fine,  the  world  war  became  a  veritable 
Day  of  Judgment,  testing  the  works  of  men 
and  nations  and  revealing  the  sins  of  the  one 
and  the  defects  of  the  other.  It  became  evi- 
dent that  the  old  individualism  had  run  its 
course  and  had  produced  its  natural  fruits. 
Each  person  was  looking  out  for  himself, 
and  few  were  living  for  the  common  good. 
Each  group  and  class  was  intent  upon  its 
own  advantage  and  indifferent  to  the  gen- 
eral welfare.  It  became  evident  that  Ameri- 
cans on  the  whole  have  been  living  in  pioneer 
conditions,  with  each  section  looking  out  for 
itself  but  with  little  sense  of  the  whole. 
Business  was  conducted  in  a  slipshod  and 
wasteful  way.  There  was  little  coordination 
of  forces  and  unity  of  effort.  The  churches 
were  divided  into  two  hundred  and  fifty 
denominations  and  were  inchoate  and  in- 


I  //>•  Socialization  of  tlie  Nation 

effective.  Clearly,  we  were  revealed  to  be 
an  unorganized  people,  with  abundant 
energy  and  lofty  patriotism,  but  without  co- 
ordination of  forces  or  discipline  of  will. 

II.  The  Socializing  of  the  Nation.  The 
war  which  revealed  some  of  the  defects  in 
the  national  life  suggested  the  potent 
remedy.  In  the  stress  and  strain  of  the  war 
it  became  necessary  for  the  nation  to  change 
its  policy  and  take  control  of  the  nation's  y 
resources.  Government  was  compelled  to  / 
take  over  the  railroads  and  sjLeeLmills,  to 
regulate  trade  and  fix  prices,  to  limit  profits 
and  determine  income.  It  was  compelled  to 
assign  men  their  tasks  and  establish  a  stern 
discipline.  In  all  countries,  and  in  our  own 
no  less,  the  war  has  profoundly  modified 
the  old  economic  system  and  has  introduced 
far-reaching  innovations  in  national  poli- 
cies. Methods  of  state  control  and  national 
discipline  which  would  once  have  been  re- 
garded as  intolerable  infringements  of  the 
rights  of  employers  and  workmen,  have 
l.een  accepted  without  protest  by  all  parties. 
Ten  years  ago  no  one  could  have  imagined 
that  such  changes  would  be  possible  in  our 
generation.  In  a  few  years  of  crowded  and 
eventful  life  we  have  gathered  the  results  of 
•a.  century  of  economic  evolution.  Some  of 
these  changes  are  no  doubt  temporary  and 

[81] 


The  New  World  Order 


provisional.  They  were  dictated  by  necessity 
and  were  accepted  on  the  understanding  that 
they  were  temporary.  Nevertheless,  many 
of  these  changes  have  proved  so  beneficent 
and  necessary  that  they  must  not  be  allowed 
to  pass.  Many  of  them  are  permanent  and 
must  now  become  a  part  of  the  settled  policy 

^of  the  nation.     The  old  prewar  order  has 
passed  away  forever,  and  we  have  come  into 
;  a  new  \yorld.2 

In, all  this  the  nation  has  demonstrated 
the  value  of  social  control  and  the  necessity 
of  national  discipline.  In  the  past  many  of 
our  people  have  been  individualists  and  have 

/  feared  social  control.     They  have  opposcxl 

/  "public"  uwiiei'sliip  and  T^^g^ltjfnt  ""^ 
sources,  production,  distribution,  and  trans^ 
portation  on  the  ground  that  private 
management  was  more  efficient, and  progres- 
sive. But  the  war  has  changed  all  this  and 

r  has  revealed  the  weakness,  the  inadequacy, 
tKeTneffectiveness,  the  costliness  of  the  old 
individualistic  organization  of  business. 
Why  were  the  governments  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  obliged  to  take  over 
the  means  of  transportation  and  communica- 
tion and  to  assume  full  control  over  industry 
and  trade?  The  simple  fact  is  the  govern- 
ments were  compelled  to  do  this  in  order  to 

-  Henderson,  "  The  Aims  of  Labor,"  chap.  I. 
[82] 


The  Socialization  of  tfie  Nation 

get  things  done.  The  old  individualistic 
managements  were  proved  to  be  disorgan- 
ized and  inefficient.  "  Their  organizations 
were  found  to  be  full  of  waste,  friction,  of- 
ficial and  personal  extravagance.  Their 
operations  were  not  properly  correlated,  and 
social  needs  were  remorselessly  subordinated 
to  dividends.  .  .  To  an  extent  which  proba- 
bly will  not  be  disclosed  until  the  war  is 
won,  but  which  will  certainly  be  remorse- 
lessly disclosed  when  the  strife  ends  and  the 
world  turns  to  the  problems  of  reconstruc- 
tion, individual  enterprise  in  big  industry 
was  as  wasteful  and  incompetent  as  any 
bawling  socialist  ever  proclaimed  and  as 
selfishly  devoted  to  profiteering."  8 

It  is  too  early  in  the  day  for  any  one  to 
indicate  all  of  the  changes  that  are  coming 
and  to  frame  the  policies  that  must  be 
adopted.  But  the  nation  has  gained  a  sense 
of  direction"  in  national  policy,  and  it  has 
given  an  illustration  of  the  meaning  and 
value  of  socialization.  Every  consideration 
of  right  and  expediency  which  justified  this 
action  in  wartime  amply  justifies  it  for  all 
times.  The  welfare  of  society  is  the  supreme 
concern  in  war  and  in  peace.  Private  in- 
terest must  yield  when  public  good  is  at 
stake.  Every  person  must  hold  his  property 

•"The  Independent,"  August  31,  1918. 


The  New  World  Order 


and  life  as  a  social  trust  and  must  accept  his 
social  obligations.    Sqciejyj|^tjj.dogt^such 
a  policy  as  shall  secure  the  largest  goocToF" 
the  whole  people.     In  behalf  of  the  com- 

••*EjMMB>«dfc^B^fc^EMMtM*aMfll<BMfcll>*Hy*<*Btftf  r       -  -  -      ' 

mon  welfare  society  may  control  natural  re- 
sources, regulate  trade,  fix  prices,  require 
services,  limit  income,  determine  building 
operations,  discourage  pleasure  automobil- 
ing,  regulate  food  supplies.  In  all  this  we 
tfhave  affirmed  the  principles  of  eminent  do- 
lain  and  social  stewardship  and  have  vin- 
licated  the  right  of  social  control  and  na- 
tional discipline.  It  is  true  that  we  have  not 
forked  out  these  principles  in  all  of  their 
bearings,  and  we  do  not  know  what  these 
rights  imply.  This  is  matter  for  the  future 
to  accept  and  work  out  in  detail.  It  is 
enough  for  the  present  to  affirm  these  princi- 
ples and  to  know  that  in  their  application 
lies  the  way  to  progress  and  security. 

He  is  a  fool  and  blind  who  supposes  that 
the  nation  will  relapse  into  the  old  order 
land  will  resume  life  where  it  was  left  when 
'the  war  began.    The  world  to-day  is  in  the 
swing  of  one  of  the  mightiest  movernents,  of 
aJl  time.    Nothing  less  than  a  world  revolu- 


tQn_s  in  p?OgTg8g?*flBStfB(!^^ 

life  of  the  nations  and  the  structure  of  so- 
ciety.    mis  is  a  war  oi  enlranchisement, 
errors,  political,  social,  economic, 

[84] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

personal,  will  be  slain.  Never  again,  it  is 
to  be  hoped,  can  oppression  and  monopoly 
and  injustice  pass  unchallenged.  The  spirit 
of  selfishness  and  greed  which  leads  men  to 
corner  food  supplies,  to  grow  rich  out  of 
the  needs  of  others,  to  seek  only  their  own 
interest  and  neglect  the  common  welfare, 
must  be  slain  forever.  The  sacredness  of 
life,  the  right  of  the  child  to  be  well  born 
and  well  nurtured,  the  right  of  every  life  to 
fair  opportunity  in  society  and  an  equity  in 
the  national  heritage,  must  be  affirmed  and 
secured.  The  door  into  a  fuller  life  for  all 
must  be  kept  open,  a  living  wage  for  every 
worker  must  be  secured,  the  right  to  a  voice 
in  everything  that  concerns  his  life  must  be 
guaranteed  to  each.  A  just  distribution  of 
the  products  of  industry  must  become  a  part 
oTTKe  nation's  program.  Industry  must  be 
conducted  not  for  profits  but  for  life,  and  the 
people  must  come  into  their  own  and  enjoy 
that  which  belongs  to  them.  The  resources 
of  the  earth  are  the  heritage  of  the  people 
and  must  not  be  exploited  by  the  few  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  many.  The  resources 
of  the  earth  must  be  held  in  trust  for  the 
people,  and  every  child  must  receive  the 
equivalent  of  his  equity  in  the  form  of  educa- 
tion and  opportunity.  We  entered  the  war 
to  oppose  autocracy,  to  save  government  for 

[  85  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


the  people,  and  to  make  the  world  safe  for 
democracy.  We  do  not  believe  in  kings  and 
autocrats ;  we  know  that  the  people  are  not 
safe  in  their  hands.  We  will  abolish  political 
kings,  but  we  must  not  allow  money  kings. 
We  repudiate  the  medieval  baron,  but  we 
must  not  accept  the  coal  baron.  We  say  that 
government  is  not  safe  in  the  hands  of 
hereditary  autocrats,  but  we  must  say  that 
the  people's  welfare  is  not  safe  in  the  hands 
of  industrial  hereditary  autocrats. 

A  return  to  old _  condition^  is  impossible. 
It  IslmpossiBIeTrom  the  point  oTview  olthe 
changes  that  have  come;  it  is  impossible 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  new  demands 
upon  society.  There  is  no  use,  therefore,  in 
talking  about  a  restoration  of  the  statn-s  quo 
qiite.  Any  discussion  of  such  a  return  is 
disingenuous;  it  can  only  lead  to  confusion 
and  trouble.  The  way  out  is  the  way  for- 
ward. What  we  must  have  is  a  new  policy 
which  shall  guide  men  in  a  new  social 
advance. 

III.  The  Ne:&ifetional  Policy.  WhaUhe 
nation  needs  at  this  time  is  a  well-thought- 
out^ -comprehensive  plan  of  social  reconstruc- 
tipji  which  will  guarantee  freedom,  equality, 
ajid  }ustic£.to~all.  It  must  ensure  a  national 
order  governed  on  democratic  principles 
which  shall  unify  the  forces  of  the  nation, 

[86] 


The  Socialization  of  llie  Nation 

develop  a  national  discipline,  and  express  the 
cooperation  of  all  for  the  sake  of  all.  In 
this  program  four  things  are  vital  : 

I.   Th*rf  HIV**  fie  a  f/i/ing^  in.  thr  spirit 
and    »^/t>T  ni  f^ffffffffti      T*^0  **](]  indi- 


IS  A»- 

mill  niS  Wtereste  are  his  final  law. 

Jt  taught  that  tlic  rule  of  the  game  i.s  each 
for  himself  and  the  devil  take  the  hindmost. 
Thus  it  sanctified  the  game  of  grab  and  the 
rule  of  self-interest.  Under  the  sway  of 
this  doctrine  we  have  thought  of  life  as  a 
magnified  grab-game,  in  which  each  was 
expected  to  take  everything  in  sight  and  shut 
out  his  neighbor.  Men  have  had  a  provin- 
cial spirit  in  thought,  in  morality,  in  politics. 
They  have  thought  of  their  street,  their 
town,  their  business,  their  party,  and  have 
viewed  every  question  in  this  light.  They 
have  insisted  that  their  representatives  in 
city  council,  in  legislatures,  and  in  Con- 
gress shall  secure  appropriations  for  their 
district  without  reference  to  the  general 
welfare.  They  have  upheld  a  party  and  its 
policies  for  the  sake  of  their  own  business 
advantage.  They  have  taken  for  granted 
that  various  selfish  policies  would  add  them- 
selves up  into  the  national  good.  They  have 
assumed  that  political  right  consisted  in  a 
balance  of  expediencies. 

G  [87] 


The  New  World  Order 


The  nation  must  have  a  new  mind  and 
heart  and  conscience.  There  must  be  de- 
veloped a  national  spirit  of  sacrifice  and 
service.  We  must  gain  the  sense  of  the 
whole,  and  learn  to  take  thought  for  the 
common  life,  and  to  value  every  policy  and 
program  by  this  standard.  The  land  is  full 
of  people  who  would  die  for  the  nation,  who 
yet  swear  away  their  taxes  and  dodge  jury 
service.  We  need  thfi  najjonal^  conviction 
that  one  is  to  seek,  not  his  own  advantage^ 
but  the  profit  of  the  many.  We  must  realize 
'that  the  good  man  is  a  good  citizen  and  lives 
for  the  common  weal.  To-day  one  may  win 
or  lose  his  crown  of  sainthood  by  the  way  he 
practises  his  citizenship.  Men  must  learn 
to  hunger  and  thirst  after  righteousness  in 
just  city  franchises.  They  must  seek  the 
kingdom  of  God  and  its  justice  in  a  fair 
system  of  taxation.  They  must  be  fellow 
helpers  unto  the  truth  by  insisting  that  pub- 
lic service  corporations  shall  give  good  ser- 
vice and  issue  no  watered  stock.  They  may 
play  the  Good  Samaritan  by  securing  an 
honest  and  efficient  police  department.  They 
may  love  their  neighbors  by  guaranteeing 
pure  air  and  community  playgrounds  for 
children.  They  may  bear  their  cross  after 
the  Master  by  fighting  graft  in  the  city  and 
speculation  in  public  franchises,  and  by 

[88] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

upholding  righteous  but  unpopular  causes. 
They  may  prove  the  quality  of  their  citizen- 
ship in  the  kingdom  of  God  by  the  practice 
of  good  citizenship  in  their  community.  All 
this  demands  the  imagination  to  look  beyond 
self  and  see  the  common  good ;  and  the  will- 
ingness to  subordinate  self-interest  and  co- 
operate for  the  common  life.  It  demands 
the  creation  of  a  social  conscience  that  shall 
honor  the  moral  ideal  and  be  quick  to  search 
men  through  and  through  with  the  fire  of 
God.  It  demands  the  development  of  a 
comprehensive  national  discipline,  the  ability 
to  do  team-work,  the  willingness  to  find 
one's  good  in  the  common  welfare.  With- 
out this  mind  and  spirit  and  habit  democ- 
racy will  be  a  sham  and  the  nation  will  be 
full  of  confusion.  With  the  growth  of  this 
mind  and  spirit  and  habit  national  policies 
will  change  and  political  institutions  will 
produce  better  fruit. 

The  course  of  the  nation  during  the  war , 
has  answered  one  libel  on  human  nature  and 
has  given  some  hope  for  the  future.  It  has 
been  assumed  that  men  are  selfish,  and  that 
men  of  large  ability  will  not  put  forth  their 
best  efforts  unless  they  are  motived  by  the 
hope  of  money  rewards;  society  must  not 
interfere  therefore  with  human  nature,  but 
must  leave  the  door  open  for  individual 

[89] 


The  New  World  Order 


initiative.  But  to  organize  the  nation  and 
ensure  victory  hundreds  of  the  nation's 
ablest  men  surrendered  large  salaries  and 
devoted  their  talents  without  reserve  and 
without  pay.  The  secret  is^ 


service  for  the  nation.  This  is  the  secret 
for  the  future  course  of  society.  -Let  men 
see  that  their  efforts  in  business  and  industry 
are  a  social  service,  and  all  right-minded 
men  will  be  willing  to  do  their  best.  The 
'supreme  task  before  society  is  therefore  to 
teach  the  social  meaning  and  obligation  of 
industry ;  to  show  that  it  is  called  to  render 
a  social  service  as  truly  as  the  church  or  the 
school.  Society  must  expect  men  of  ability 
to  enter  business  and  industry,  not  for  the 
sake  of  money  reward,  but  to  give  social  ser- 
vice. Society  must  teach  men  that  they  are 
toTreate  wealth  by  doing  work  and  ren- 
dering service,  and  not  by  devising  some 
ways,  often  devious  and  unjust,  to  win 
money  away  from  others.  Given  this  Chris- 
tlan_and^  social.- conception  of  industry,  and 
all  other  things  will  follow  in  due  time. 
2.  There  mitsf  fa  a,  siiper^^on_and  _con~ 

f  ~ 


the  nation.  We  cannot  longer  permit  a  few 
men  to  gain  control  of  the  means  of  pro-, 
duction  and  distribution  and  to  tax  the  peo- 
ple in  the  form  of  a,  monopoly,  price.  We 


/  /;  •  •  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

cannot  allow  monopolists  and  profiteers  to 
exploit  the  people's  necessities  and  make  the 
child's  loaf  small  and  the  family's  fuel  dear. 
Society  roust-  gr^  fllT  p™*"*1* 


bring  about  ^  T^jffl 


rng  aou 
musF  abolish 


Jf  fT"'c<"  - 

break  the  strangle-hold  of  capitalism  upon 


labor,  industry,  and  life.     The  people  must 

^"""^^^^^^^^^^7^^  •«.  .«  .«  !**_ 


regain  the  lost  right  to  the  earth  and  its  re- 
sources. Wo  to  the  autocrats  and  junkers 
who  oppose  the  coming  of  social  justice  and 
would  keep  the  people  down.  Several  items 
in  this  program  may  be  mentioned : 

(i)  Thp,  natural  resources  of  the  nation 
must  be  socialized*    The  ^arth  and  jts^eT- 
sources  God  has  given  to  men  to  be  their 
common  home  and  heritage.    Such  resource; 
as  coal  and  iron,  oil  and  water,  must  he  hel( 
in  trust  for  all,  and  each  must  receive  hi| 
equity.  This  means  that  these  resources  mus 
be  taken  over  by  tne  state  as  national  MOJ 
ertv,  or  they  must  be  so  supervised  and  con- 
:folle 


trolled  as  to 


revent 


people  and  be  conducted  wholly  as  public 


s£p£ices. 

(2)  The  nationalization  and  control  of 
all  water-power.  There  should  be  a  careTuT 
survey  of  the  streams  and  lakes  of  the  coun- 
try, with  a  knowledge  of  the  possible  utili- 

[91] 


The  New  World  Order 


zation  of  water-power.  There  should  be 
erected  sufficient  super-power-stations  to 
generate  and  transmit  electricity  at  cheap 
rates  for  power  and  light  in  homes,  indus- 
tries, and  communities.  Also  there  should 
be  the  social  control  of  water  for  irrigation 
and  its  full  use  for  the  largest  possible 
benefit. 

(3)  TW  orw<ialiratip"  of  all  such  public 

utilities  as  railroads,  telegraph  and  telephone 
lines,  city  light,  water,  and  transportation. 
This  may  be  effected  either  through  social 
ownership  and  operation,  or  by  full  social 
supervision  and  control.  In  no  case  should 
such  utilities  be  used  for  private  speculation 
aqd  against  public  welfare. 

(4)  A  system  of  rational  taxation  which 
shall  equalize  taxes,  prevent  speculative.  hold- 
ing of  land,  lift  the  burden  from  the  family's 
necessities,  and  secure  a  more  equitable  dis- 


Tt  is  in  the  direction  of  these  principles 
that  thought  and  effort  must  move  in  the 
time  to  come. 

3.  Tfy?  prnrpssps  pf  industry  must  come 
under  the  direct  supervision  and  coordina- 
iton  oi  AM'telll  TllH  UllUi  Wim  WtUiB  tli6  Bt- 
dividual  who  wanted  to  stand  on  his  feet 
and  secure  justice  had  to  depend  upon  his 
own  strong  arm.  In  the  progress  of  man 

[92] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

and  the  development  of  society  we  have 
long  since  passed  this  stage.  In  what  we 
call  the  state  we  recognize  the  principle  of 
social  control ;  and  we  substitute  the  general, 
definite,  impartial  will  for  the  uncertain,  ar- 
bitrary, personal  will.  In  a  civilized  state 
each  person  consents  to  have  his  interests 
interpreted  and  measured  by  the  common 
will  and  general  welfare.  In  case  of  a  con- 
flict of  wills  and  interests  all  parties  agree 
to  settle  the  questions  at  issue  by  an  appeal 
to  the  common  welfare  and  will. 

The  time  has  come  when  men  in  their 
economic  relations  must  agree  to  come  under 
the  control  of  society,  and  to  have  their  in- 
terests interpreted  and  measured  by  the  com- 
mon will  and  welfare.  As  the  individual  in 
his  personal  and  political  matters  is  willing 
to  have  his  interests  safeguarded  and  guaran- 
teed by  the  state;  so  men  in  their  social  and 
industrial  processes  must  be  willing  to  have 
their  interests  safeguarded  and  guaranteed 
by  the  same  agency.  In  a  modern,  civilized 
society  it  would  be  an  impeachment  of  the 
government  if  every  person  who  wanted  to 
escape  attack  and  secure  his  rights,  should 
think  it  necessary  to  go  armed  upon  the 
street.  In  a  modern,  intelligent  society  it  is 
no  less  an  impeachment  of  the  state  if  every 
group  of  workers  or  employers  who  would 

[93] 


The  New  World,  Order 


protect  themselves  must  form  a  fighting 
group  and  battle  for  its  rights.  The  latter 
no  less  than  the  former  would  show  plainly 
that  society  is  not  fully  rational  or  fully 
efficient.  If  the  state  did  its  duty  by  all 
of  its  members  and  were  fully  conscious  of 
its  mission,  such  things  would  be  impossible. 
In  a  word,  the  state  must  widen  its  scope 
and  must  fulfil  its  social  mission.  The  state, 
which  in  the  fine  phrase  of  Prof.  Franz 
Oppenheimer,  is  "  the  impartial  guardian  of 
the  common  interests,"  must  represent  all 
and  must  socialize  every  group.  It  is  the 
one  agency  through  which  all  of  the  people 
can  cooperate  in  their  search  after  social 
justice  and  social  progress.  It  is  the  one 
agency  comprehensive  enough  to  consider 
the  interests  of  all  and  to  guarantee  justice 
to  each.  More  and  more  the  state  must  con- 
sider the  welfare  of  each  and  must  safe- 
guard the  rights  of  all.  It  must  determine 
the  level  of  industrial  action.  It  must  super- 
vise and  control  the  processes  and  proceeds 
of  industry.  It  must  socialize  all  and  pro- 
mote the  cooperation  of  all  for  the  sake  of 
all.  The  one  supreme  end,  the  great  whole 
which  implies  and  includes  the  parts,  is  the 
common  welfare.  .Whatever  promotes  this 
end  is  o-ood.  Whatever  interferes  with  it  is 

O 

evil.     Industry  and   trade,  like  everyining 
[94] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

else,  are  for  the  sake  of  man  and  society. 
Thus  far,  however,  we  have  regarded  men 
for  the  sake  of  industry,  and  industry  for  the 
sake  of  profits.  All  this  must  be  changed, 
both  in  policy  and  methods.  In  fine,  there 
must  be  ;i  socialization  of  tile  economic 
processes  in  the  interest  of  the  total  life  of 
the  nation. 

We  must  recognize  the  fact  that  the  in- 
dustrial process  is  a  part  of  the  social  life, 
and  must  always  be  considered  in  its  rela- 
tion to  the  whole.  It  is  not  an  end  in  itself, 
but  exists  for  the  sake  of  society.  It  is  neces- 
sary, therefore,  that  the  process  in  its  units 
be  related  to  the  process  as  a  whole.  It  must 
be  subordinate  to  and  included  in  all  commu- 
nities and  interests  within  the  common  pur- 
pose of  the  nation.*  The  socializing  of  jn- 
dustry  means,  therefore,  the 


industry  witn  tne  total  welfare  01  society.   It 


spirit,  methods,  and  results  shall  be  con- 
ducted in  such  a  wa 
life  01  tbe 


process  of  making-  wealth,  controlling  and 
distributing  it  Whenever  the  process  af- 
fects society  in  any  way  —  and  every  industry 
does  —  it  must  be  supervised  and  controlled. 
It  has  become  evident  that  the  industrial 

•  Small,  "  General  Sociology,"  p.  343. 
[95J 


The  New  World  Order 


process  must  be  related  to  all  the  other  fac- 
tors and  processes  and  must  serve  the  whole 
welfare  of  society  and  make  its  full  contribu- 
tion to  social  values.  As  a  person  must  be 
socialized,  that  is,  learn  to  take  his  place  in 
society,  conform  to  its  regulations,  and 
serve  its  welfare,  so  industry  and  trade  must 
be  socialized,  find  their  place  in  the  social 
order,  and  have  their  methods  and  results 
conform  to  social  regulations. 

4.  We  must  create  a  more  just  and  effi- 
cient social  order.  The_  present  order  has 
failed  at  many  points.  It  has  failed  to  guar- 
antee the  right  to  life  of  all  human  being's. 
It  has  failed  to  ensure  equality  of  opportu- 
nity to  all  and  has  compelled" many  to  WOtfc 
against  heavy  handicaps.  It  is  unjust  in 
that  it  allows  a  few  to  exploit~the  many  an'd 
deprives  many  of  a  real  chance  in  life.  It 
is  jvasjteful  on  the  side  of  production  and 
unjust  on  the  side  of  distribution.  It  has 
inverted  the  true  order  and  has  turned 
values  topsy-turvy.  Tf  makae  mm  fhf 
means  of  producing  things,  whereas  things 
are  only  tolerable  in  so  far  as  they  pro- 
^MQ*  uya^— >  It  compels  the  gyeat  majority 
of  people  to  toil  beyond  their  strength  with- 
out true  opportunity  in  life  and  joy  in  work ; 
and  it  enables  a  few  to  live  in  luxury  without 
rendering  any  service  or  producing  anything 

*v"MMHMMMMHnMMMMnMMW**BMIP*VlOTI*l<M**l*l'v^ 
[96] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

of  social  value.  It  may  be  said  that  it  has 
produced  Wings  and  created  wealth  and 
made  a  few  people  rich.  But  it  has  done  this 
at  the  cost  of  wasted  lives  and  social  unrest. 
TJiis  capitalistic  system  is  a  monster  eating 

-p  rhr  m™  r1 1U~  ranrilr  ."* 

And  it  is  unbrotherly  on  the  side  of  dis- 
tribution; it  fills  society  with  unrest  and 
drives  men  into  revolt.  "  The  very  idea  of 
justice,  or  any  proportionality  between  effort 
and  reward  in  our  present  system,  is  so  chi- 
merical," said  John  Stuart  Mill,  "  as  to  be 
relegated  to  the  region  of  romance."  If  that 
is  true,  and  it  is  quite  as  true  as  when  first 
said,  there  is  a  plain  duty  before  the  men  of 
good  will.  They  are  to  create  a  social  order 
that  reduces  the  pressure  upon  men  to  be 
selfish  and  unjust  and  sets  a  premium  upon 
justice  and  brotherhood ;  they  are  to  secure  a 
more  equitable  distribution  of  the  advan- 
tages of  life  and  create  a  social  order  which 
makes  for  social  unity  and  justice  and  fel- 
lowship. They  are  to  create  a  social  and 
economic  order  which  shall  secure  justice 
for  all  and  give  to  each  his  equitable  share  in 
the  common  gifts  of  God. 

In  fine,  we  must  create  a  more  efficient  and 
disciplinerfjipcial  onk-r.  Qur-preseut  iiulJ- 
ylgnSHSfi^and  competitive  system  is  not  effi- 
cient. As  Steinmctr  hns  shown,  our  country 

[97] 


The  New  World  Order 


is  individualistic.  In  the  industrial  struggle 
that  is  coming,  our  industrial  organization  — 
with  everybody  fighting  against  everybody 
else,  industrially,  politically,  and  socially  —  is 
hopeless  ;  and 


one  of  the  world'sieading.  industrial  nations, 

or  we  must  organize  a  system  based  on.  co- 
operation and  not  on  competition.  But  — 
and  here  is  the  heart  of  the  problem—  this 
cooperation  must  be  a  democratic  coopera- 
tion ;  this  discipline  must  be  self  -^imposed  and  - 
noFSe  autocratic,  as  in  Germany.  No  doubt 
any  nation  that  is  willing  to  accept  the  disci- 
pline and  pay  the  price,  can  become  efficient 
and  strong.  Buj^tao^i^J^ 
achieve  this  efficiency  and  discipline,  and  all 
the  time  must  remain  democratic. 

Two   possible    courses   are   open   to   us: 

i-  -*• 

Either  there  must  be  such  full  social  control 
over  the  forces  and  processes  of  industry  as 
shall  safeguard  the  resources  of  the  nation 
and  the  welfare  of  the  people;  or  there  must 
be  the  full  assertion  of  the  right  of  eminent 
domain,  the  taking  over  by  the  people  of  the 
resources  of  the  earth  with  full  ownership 
and  operation  by  society  of  all  the  means  ...  of 
production  and  distribution.  Which  course 
will  the  people  take?  Some  men  will  pre- 
fer one  and  other  men  will  choose  the  alter- 
nate. But  one  way  or  the  other  society  will 

[98] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

take,  and  one  way  it  must  take.  Those  who 
fear  the  latter,  which  is  full  socialism,  should 
lead  society  to  take  the  first  course.  Those 
who  oppose  this  full  social  supervision  and 
control  over  industry,  are  driving  the  people 
directly  into  socialism. 

It  will  be  many  long  years  before  the  full 
results  of  the  world  war  are  seen.  It  will  be 
a  long  time  also  before  the  nation  can  de- 
velop the  plans  for  overcoming  the  evil  re- 
sults and  bending  all  its  energies  to  the  work 
of  human  advance.  But  it  is  certain  that  for  a 
long  time  Western  civilization  will  be  com- 
pelled to  carry  heavy  war-debts.  It  will  be 
necessary  to  enlist  all  workers  and  conserve 
all  forces  for  social  redemption.  To  carry 
on  the  war  the  nations  were  obliged  to  con- 
script wealth,  to  tax  income,  to  draft  every 
able-bodied  person,  and  to  compel  every  per- 
son to  do  some  serviceable  work.  For  dec- 
ades and  generations  the  nations  must  live 
on  a  wartime  basis.  To  meet  the  interest  on 
war-debts  and  gradually  to  reduce  the 
amount,  to  do  the  work  of  society  and  pro- 
vide funds  and  workers  for  progress,  the 
nations  will  be  compelled  to  make  permanent 
some  of  these  necessary  war  measures.  So- 
ciety must  provide  that  each  person  carry  his 
share  of  the  burden ;  that  there  be  no  idlers 
living  off  society,  whether  as  tramps  or  para- 

[99] 


The  New  World  Order 


sites,  and  yet  doing  no  work ;  that  every  per- 
son do  some  socially  useful  work;  that  in- 
come received  shall  bear  a  direct  relation  to 
work  done  and  service  rendered.  More  than 
that,  society  must,  in  order  to  prevent  injus- 
tice on  one  side  and  find  funds  for  progress 
on  the  other,  provide  that  the  earth's  re- 
sources shall  be  held  in  trust  for  all,  and  that 
no  man  or  group  shall  make  profit  out  of  spe- 
cial privileges.  The  very  stress  of  the  situa- 
tion will  compel  society  to  socialize  all  life 
and  to  control  industry  for  the  sake  of  all. 
Long  ago  we  ought  to  have  learned  this 
needful  lesson  of  sacrifice  and  cooperation 
and  have  been  willing  to  serve  and  seek 
the  common  welfare.  Alas,  that  humanity 
should  be  compelled  to  learn  this  necessary 
lesson  at  such  fearful  cost  as  the  world  war. 
But  if  the  nations  learn  the  lesson  at  this 
high  price,  even  the  war  will  not  have  been 
in  vain.  But  if  the  nations  refuse  to  learn  the 
lesson  and  reject  the  instruction  of  heaven, 
one  would  almost  despair  of  the  world. 

The  time  is  critical  and  demands  wise 
and  united  action.  Progress  has  never 
moved  in  a  straight  line  but  men  have  had 
to  make  their  way  by  trial  and  error, 
ways,  everywhere,  progress  is  the  resultant 
of  two  sets  pi  .forces,  those  of  conservatism 
ancl  those  of  radicalism.  If  one  or  the  other 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 


of  these  bec 

balance-  ,    \vc   may   have   reaction   or  chaos. 
MS  is  the  danger  that  faces  the  nations  to- 

day.    In  the  WQrMiinft'ftl^^W^Jffiili^l^^^^bfi" 
gun.  the  people  have  become  conscious  of 

^^ 

t   tlieir 


»^«wj 


Autocracy  and  privnegewneflrer  in 
state  or  in  industry,  are  challenged  and  must 
pass.  But  let  no  one  suppose  that  it  will  be 
an  easy  victory.  In  this  time,  as  so  often  be- 
fore, the  people  when  released  from  their  ac- 
customed restraints  are  in  danger  of  going  to 
extremes,  of  trying  to  bring  in  the  millennium 
by  a  rising  vote  or  show  of  hands.  In  their 
reaction  against  the  men  and  institutions  that 
'have  limited  them  or  wronged  them,  they  are 
in  danger  of  lawlessness,  of  shaking  off  re- 
straint, and  bringing  on  a  reign  of  anarchy. 

What  has  been  the  result  so  often  before  ? 
What  is  the  grave  danger  at  this  time?  The 
forces  of  reaction  and  conservatism  have 
never  surrendered  one  privilege  willingly. 
"  Men  are  willing  to  do  anything  for  the 
people,"  said  Tolstoi,  "  except  to  get  off  their 
backs."  The  men  of  privilege  call  to  their 
aid  the  forces  of  religion  and  reaction,  and 
together  these  make  a  stand  against  disor- 
der and  radicalism.  The  consequence  is  — 
and  this  alas  is  a  sad  page  of  history  —  either 

[101] 


The  New  World  Order 


the  powers  of  reaction  and  privilege  carry 
the  day  and  suppress  necessary  progress — in 
which  case  we  simply  plant  the  seeds  of  bitter 
struggle  and  serious  oppression ;  or  the  peo- 
ple break  bounds  and  fall  into  revolution 
and  anarchy,  and  in  this  case  the  cause  of 
reform  is  delayed  and  defeated.  These  are 
the  alternatives  that  face  the  nations  at  this 
time.  Which  road  will  the  nations  take? 
Some  deep  and  radical  changes  are  neces- 
sary; let  us  admit  this  and  bring  them  to 
pass.  In  large  part  the  choice  of  these  alter- 
natives is  with  the  men  of  influence  and 
leadership  in  Church  and  State.  If  they  have 
the  faith  and  courage  to  accept  the  challenge 
of  the  hour  and  go  forward,  humanity  may 
take  a  long  step  toward  the  goal.  If  they 
misread  the  signs  of  the  times,  if  they  allow 
themselves  to  be  dominated  by  the  forces  of 
reaction,  if  they  lack  courage  to  do  the  right 
and  necessary  thing,  though  it  may  mean 
great  change  and  bring  some  confusion,  they 
will  simply  provoke  men  to  extreme  radical- 
ism and  perhaps  bloody  revolution.  "  Re- 
form delayed,"  said  Burke,  "  is  revolution 
begun."  Men  are  driven  into  revolution  and 

J  j  anarchy  Jess  by-jt&^'&i^^ 

than  by  the  blind  and  selfish  opposition  of 
!  rpar'ffrp  grid  priVlVgPi      r™r  Nicholas  and 

*  \  Pobiedonostseff  are  the  real  authors  of  Bol- 

[  102] 


The  Socialization  of  the  Nation 

shevikism  in  Russia.  The  priesthood  who 
flattered  the  nobles,  Louis  XIV,  and  Louis 
XV,  "  these,"  said  Channing,  "  really  caused 
the  Reign  of  Terror." 

Some  reforms  are  inevitable  and  neces- 
sary. \Ve  cannot  go  back  of  the  old  order. 
The  way  out  is  the  way  forward.  Let  us 
see  the  right  thing  and  do  it  together ;  so 
sliaTI  we  bring  in  a  great  new  time  with  least 
confusion. 

REFERENCES 

Henderson,  "  The  Aims  of  Labor." 

Hobson,  "  Democracy  After  the  War." 

Weyl,  "  The  New  Democracy." 

Batten,  "  The  Christian  State." 

Wallas,  "  The  Great  Society." 

Rauschenbusch,  "  Christianizing  the  Social  Order." 


[103] 


THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF 
INTERNATIONAL  LIFE 


And  he  shall  judge  between  many  peoples,  and 
shall  reprove  strong  nations  afar  of? ;  and  they  shall 
beat  their  swords  into  plowshares  and  their  spears 
into  pruninghooks :  nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword 
against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war  any 
more. — Micah  4  :  3. 

Being  first  by  interpretation  King  of  Righteous- 
ness, and  then  also  King  of  Salem,  which  is  King  of 
Peace. — Hebrews  7  :  2. 

The  real  test  and  proof  of  racial  superiority  lies 
not  in  the  realm  of  military  power  but  in  that  of 
moral  and  spiritual  life. 

The  truly  great  race,  as  the  truly  great  man,  seeks 
to  give  justice  rather  than  to  get  rights.  This  policy 
advocates  not  peace  at  any  price  but  righteousness 
at  any  cost. — The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches' 
of  Christ  in  America. 

What  we  seek  is  the  reign  of  law,  based  upon  the 
consent  of  the  governed  and  sustained  by  the  or- 
ganized opinion  of  mankind. — President  Woodrow 
Wilson. 


THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF 
INTERNATIONAL  LIFE 


The  \\orld  \var  is  a  challenge  to  our  civili- 
zatfon  and  a  call  to  world  reconstruction. 
Tlic  fact  that  such  a  calamity  could  come  in 
this  twentieth  century  shows  that  there  are 
some  serious  defects  in  the  world  order. 
Something  is  wrong  with  a  civilization  that 
contains  within  itself  such  woful  possibili- 
ties as  this  war.  This  compels  a  rigorous 
scrutiny  of  the  underlying  principles  of  our 
civilization;  it  summons  us  to  find  the  true 
foundations  and  to  build  upon  them. 

There  is  no  mystery  about  the  war.  It 
has  not  come  as  a  bolt  out  of  the  blue.  Its 
coming  is  a  surprise  to  no  one.  In  fact,  it 
has  been  foreseen  and  foretold  for  decades. 
The  only  surprise  is  that  it  should  be  so  long 
delayed.  The  war  is  the  direct  outgrowth 
of  false  principles  and  wrong  international 
policies.  Long  ago  we  were  warned :'"  Be 
riot  deceived ;  God  is  not  mocked ;  for  what- 
soever a  man  soweth  that  shall  he  also  reap." 
Of  old  we  have  heard  the  monition,  "  The 
nations  shall  be  turned  into  hell  that  forget 

[107] 


The  New  World  Order 


God."  For  generations  the  nations  have 
sown  the  wind;  it  is  not  strange  that  they 
should  reap  the  whirlwind. 

The  world  war  is  a  revelation  of  the  false 
principles  and  policies  of  the  nations.  In 
the  hell  that  has  opened  in  Europe  we  see 
the  nature  of  men's  sin  and  learn  how  far 
they  had  wandered  from  God.  The  nations 
of  Europe  have  professed  faith  in  Jesus 
Christ  and  have  honored  his  name.  Yet 
fthe  foreign  policies  of  the  so-called  Christian 
jnations  have  been  practically  untouched  by 
Ithe  Christian  spirit.  Those  policies  might 
have  belonged  indifferently  to  Mohamme- 
dan, Buddhist,  or  pagan  peoples.  The  na- 
tions have  been  looking  after  the  things  of 
self  and  have  not  sought  the  welfare  of 
others.  Each  has  been  trying  to  secure  the 
largest  share  of  the  earth,  to  control  trade 
routes,  and  to  checkmate  its  rivals.  The 
nations  have  formed  alliances,  and  by  a  bal- 
ance of  powers  poised  upon  the  point  of  a 
bayonet  have  tried  to  keep  the  peace  of  the 
world.  These  things  all  the  great  European 
nations  have  done  in  a  greater  or  less  de- 
gree. These  evil  principles  one  nation  has 
accepted  in  full  and  has  carried  out  to  their 
logical  conclusion;  and  the  result  is  the 
economic  imperialism  and  aggressive  mili- 
tarism of  Pan-Germany.  A  few  prophetic 

[108] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

souls  have  seen  the  evil  of  these  policies  and 
have  warned  the  nations  of  the  coming 
judgment.  But  they  have  been  as  voices 
crying  in  the  wilderness  whose  warning  has 
gone  unheeded.  But  now  in  the  horrors  of 
the  war  and  the  brutality  of  Pan-Germanism 
we  read  the  evil  of  these  policies  and  see 
whither  they  lead.  Never  again  can  the 
nations  be  deceived  and  regard  such  policies 
as  harmless.  They  are  simply  diabolical 
and  murder  the  life  of  nations  and  bring 
havoc  upon  the  world. 

The  war  has  done  more  than  this;  it  has 
brought  out  into  the  light  the  deeper  issues 
of  the  world  struggle.  Through  all  the 
dark  night  of  the  past  men  have  yearned  to 
be  free  and  have  struggled  toward  the  light. 
In  our  time  humanity  has  tried  to  take  a 
step  forward  toward  justice  and  truth.  The 
principles  of  brotherhood  and  democracy 
were  beginning  to  find  a  larger  application 
across  international  boundaries.  But  alas, 
the  past  seeks  to  hold  back  the  future ;  dark- 
ness tries  to  put  out  the  light.  On  the  sur- 
face the  war  seems  to  be  a  struggle  between 
two  groups  of  nations,  with  different  ideals 
and  policies,  for  supremacy  in  the  world. 
In  outward  form  the  war  is  a  struggle  be- 
tween militarism  and  humanity,  between 
autocracy  and  democracy,  between  world 

[  109] 


The  New  World  Order 


imperialism  and  national  freedom.  These 
issues  are  all  involved  directly,  and  upon  the 
outcome  of  the  war  depends  the  fate  of  these 
ideals. 

But  these  are  the  outward  and  visible 
signs  of  an  inner  and  essential  difference. 
The  fundamental  issues  are  far  deeper  than 
any  of  these  and  more  fateful  than  all  com- 
bined. Is  humanity  one  or  many?  Is  the 
race  a  number  of  isolated  and  discordant 
peoples;  or  is  it  a  family  in  which  all  na- 
tions are  related  by  essential  bonds?  Is 
each  nation  a  law  unto  itself  with  no  such 
thing  as  international  right,  or  is  humanity 
a  fact  with  the  same. moral  obligations  upon 
nations  as  upon  men  to  be  righteous  and 
Christian  ?  Is  humanity  a  brotherhood,  and 
is  it  true  that  God  has  made  of  one  blood 
all  nations  of  men,  and  has  fixed  their  ap- 
pointed periods  and  the  definite  boundaries 
of  their  dwellings  ?  (Acts  1 7 :  26,  27. )  Shall 
we  have  a  federation  of  the  nations  with  an 
agreement  in  law  of  fair  dealing;  or  shall 
the  nations  as  of  old  seek  their  own  good 
and  hold  all  they  can  seize  from  the  weaker? 
Are  the  principles  of  morality,  of  justice,  of 
stewardship  and  self-sacrifice,  which  are 
obligatory  upon  persons,  equally  obligatory 
upon  nations?  At  bottom  these  are  the 
deeper  issues  in  the  struggle,  and  this  makes 

[no] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

it  so  momentous.  The  world  is  trying  to 
take  an  upward  step;  and  the  war  reveals 
the  forces  which  would  hold  mankind  back 
in  the  night. 

The  supreme  task  of  man  here  below  is 
the  progress  of  mankind  in  justice,  virtue, 
brotherhood,  and  peace.  War  is  a  sign  that 
something  is  wrong  in  the  principles  and 
policies  of  the  nations.  This  world  war  has 
revealed  the  defects  in  our  civilization  and 
has  shown  the  forces  that  would  retard 
progress.  The  war  is  hence  a  summons  to 
us  to  find  the  wrong  principles  of  civiliza- 
tion, to  renounce  and  repudiate  these,  to 
state  and  affirm  the  true  principles  of  inter- 
national life,  and  to  organize  a  society  of 
nations.  It  is  a  summons  to  affirm  those 
principles  and  policies  which  we  have  found 
to  be  true  and  just  for  persons  and  societies, 
and  to  make  these  true  for  states  and  na- 
tions, and  then  to  organize  these  principles 
into  institutions  and  practices  of  world  life. 

The  true  progress  pf  mankind  is  the  only 
way  1Q,  end  war.  War  ha«j  a,"8**  and  to 
prevent  war  we  must  change  the  system 
which  makes  it  inevitable.  As  long-  as  men 
ancfnations  sow  false  principles  and  follow 
evil  policies,  so  long  they  will  reap  war  and 
misery.  By  concessions  and  compromises 
they  may  avoid  a  break  for  a  time  and  patch 

[in] 


The  New  World  Order 


up  a  truce;  but  w'hen  the  wind  is  sown  the 
whirlwind  is  reaped.  In  the  words  of  the 
prophet,  "  The  bed  is  shorter  than  that  a 
man  can  stretch  himself  upon  it,  and  the 
covering  is  narrower  than  that  he  can  wrap 
himself  in  it."  The  only  way  to  cure  and 
prevent  war  is  to  remove  the  causes  which 
make  war.  In  other  words,  keeping  in 
mind  the  fundamental  issues  of  the  war,  the 
way  out  for  societies  is  the  way  out  for  the 
world.  We  must  make  those  principles  and 
policies  true  for  the  nations  which  we  have 
accepted  as  true  for  persons  and  societies. 

That  war  may  be  prevented  there  must 
be  some  thoroughgoing  changes  in  the  ideals 
of  men  and  a  reconstruction  of  the  interna- 
tional life  of  mankind.  Four  things  are 
implied  in  this,  which  may  be  briefly  noted : 

I.  The  Creation  of  an  International  MincL 
The  nrst-«!h«tg  is  a  trite  a'hcT  OiristiaHiaeaT 
of  humanity.  The  real  causes  of  war  lie  far 
back  in  the  thoughts  and  ideals  of  men. 
They  have  false  ideals  of  national  greatness 
and  success;  they  have  wrong  thoughts 
about  trade  and  government.  The  causes 
of  peace  must  be  found  in  right  thoughts  in 
the  minds  of  men  and  high  ideals  for  their 
practice.  We  can  build  up  a  just  and 
brotherly  world  without  when  we  have 
built  up  a  just  and  brotherly  world  within. 

[112] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

There  is  suspicion  and  warfare  among  the 
nations  for  the  reason  that  nations  have  a 
wrong  attitude  toward  one  another,  ^c 
shall  have  a  just  and  lasting  peace  when  we 

have  a  change  in  the  thoughts  of  nwn  ami 

when   nations  begin  the  practice  of  Chris- 
. 
tian  principles. 

Tls 


radical  change  in  the 
and  ideals  of  men  and  nations.  Men 
must  renounce  the  false  ideals  that  have  so 
long  guided  their  policies.  Thus  it  has  been 
assumed  that  each  nation  is  supreme  and  is 
free  to  consider  its  own  interests  without 
regard  for  others.  It  has  been  taught  that 
there  is  nothing  higher  than  the  state,  and 
that  the  state  or  nation  is  therefore  not  sub- 
ject to  moral  law.  It  has  been  assumed  that 
anything  is  good  which  serves  the  interests 
of  the  one  nation,  and  everything  is  bad 
which  brings  no  advantage  to  oneself.  So 
men  have  taken  for  granted  that  expanding 
nations  have  the  right  to  steal  land,  to  over- 
reach whole  peoples,  to  outrage  and  kill  by 
wholesale.  Traders  and  financiers  have  felt 
free  to  seek  private  profit,  to  exploit  weaker 
peoples  and  make  them  hunting-grounds  for 
gain,  and  to  dispossess  the  natives.  So  they 
have  obtained  concessions  in  various  lands 
often  by  doubtful  methods,  and  have  held 
valuable  privileges  against  the  people  them- 

[H3] 


The  New  World  Order 


selves.  They  have  carefully  manufactured 
false  news,  have  deceived  the  people  at 
home,  and  have  declared  that  the  flag  was 
insulted.  Chancellors  and  diplomats,  often 
with  an  interest  in  concessions  and  profits, 
have  played  with  weaker  peoples  as  with 
mere  pawns  in  a  game  of  chess.  Under  the 
influence  of  traders  and  their  false  doctrines 
nations  have  created  tariff  barriers  to  help 
themselves  and  checkmate  others.  They 
have  sought  to  control  the  trade  routes  of 
the  world  and  thereby  hold  a  selfish  ad- 
vantage. They  have  promoted  the  delusion 
that  trade  requires  a  great  navy  to  control 
the  seas  and  enable  the  nation  to  maintain 
its  supremacy.  They  have  cherished  a  pride 
of  power  and  an  ambition  for  dominion.  So 
they  have  raised  false  issues  and  have  de- 
ceived the  people.  They  have  encouraged 
the  people  of  one  nation  to  suspect  and  hate 
the  people  of  another  nation.  They  have 
then  led  them  forth  to  fight  and  die,  ap- 
parently for  national  honor,  but  really  for 
sordid  profits.  Beneath  the  political  antago- 
nisms of  the  nations  are  economic  rivalries ; 
these  both  cause  and  explain  in  large  part 
the  national  rivalries  and  international  in- 
trigues. Modern  navies  and  armies  are  not 
created  merely  to  take  human  life  and  ad- 
vance the  glory  of  rulers ;  but  they  are  rather 

[114] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

armed  guardians  of  economic  advantage  and 
military  protectors  of  world  traders.  As  a 
result  of  these  causes  men  have  grown  mad, 
and  nations  have  fought  and  have  filled  the 
world  with  misery.1  As  long  as  such  false 
ideas  and  doctrines  are  accepted,  so  long 
there  will  be  suspicion,  jealousy,  hatred,  and 
war  between  nations  and  groups  of  nations. 
Then  in  a  more  positive  way  we  must  ac- 
cept and  affirm  the  true  principles  of  interna- 
tional life.  Perhaps  we  can  do  no  better 
than  quote  some  of  the  affirmations  pre- 
sented by  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America, 

We  accept  and  affirm : 

That  above  all  nations  is  humanity; 

That  nations  are  neighbors,  members  of  one  great 
human  family; 

That  no  nation  is  complete  in  itself,  nor  can  it  at- 
tain its  own  highest  life  except  through  wholesome 
relations  with  the  rest  of  mankind; 

That  all  sovereignty  is  limited  and  relative,  sub- 
ject to  the  Infinite  Will  and  to  the  ethical  restrictions 
and  limitations  of  all  humanity; 

That  cooperation  and  mutual  consideration  should 
take  the  place  of  destructive  competition  and  ruinous 
rivalries  of  peoples  and  nations; 

That  it  is  as  wrong  for  nations  as  for  individuals 
to  steal  and  lie  and  kill ; 

1  Hill,  "  The  Rebuilding  of  Europe,"  chap.  III. 


The  New  World  Order 


That  forbearance  and  forgiveness,  service  and  sac- 
rifice, are  binding  upon  nations  as  well  as  upon 
individuals ; 

That  great  and  wealthy  nations  are  stewards  and 
trustees  for  the  welfare  of  small,  weak,  and  un- 
developed peoples; 

That  true  national  greatness  comes  from  service 
to  the  world,  not  from  dominion  over  it ; 

That  all  races  and  nations,  great  and  small  alike, 
possess  the  right  to  share  in  the  world's  resources 
and  in  opportunity  for  self-directing  and  expanding 
life,  in  harmonious  cooperation  with  the  rest  of 
mankind ; 

That  justice  and  right  dealing  in  international 
affairs  are  impossible  apart  from  the  development 
throughout  our  land  of  that  spirit  of  Christian  good 
will  and  brotherhood  which  must  express  itself  in 
the  establishment  of  social  justice  and  right  dealing 
in  our  own  industrial  and  economic  problems. 

If  there  is  to  be  a  new*  world  it  must  come 
firsFofliJflJ|Er^^ 

tions.  There  must  be  created  an  interna- 
tional mind  and  conscience;  men. must  learn 
to  think  of  humanity  as  one  family  and  to 
have  a  world  patriotism;  they  must  keep 
their  minds  free  from  jealousy  and  selfish- 
ness, and  must  base  their  policy  and  practice 
upon  true  and  Christian  principles;  they 
must  be  as  quick  to  resent  injustice  by  a 
nation  as  by  an  individual.  Humanity  must 
become  an  ideal  in  order  that  it  may  become 

[116] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

an  actuality.  World  patriotism  must  be  a 
faith,  a  chivalry,  before  it  can  be  an  organi- 
zation. International  peace  must  become 
an  aspiration,  a  religion,  before  it  will  be- 
come a  reality. 

II.  The  Federation  of  Nations.  There 
must  be  some  international  organization 
which  shall  make  the  new  ideas  effective  and 
secure  world  justice.  As  the  culmination  of 
causes  long  at  work  and  as  the  deeper  mean- 
ing of  the  world  war  the  issue  is  now  drawn 
between  two  opposed  and  exclusive  ideals. 
It  is  an  issue  between  state  absolutism  and 
world  humanity.  It  is  a  struggle  to  deter- 
mine whether  each  state  shall  claim  absolute 
authority  or  shall  accept  the  law  of  interna- 
tional right.  It  is.a -struggle  to_decide 
whether  each 

:inkc  its  own     ood  sufc 

1  i vf>  top^tfrfiriii  tfinjiSyQ^nittf  tir** 

The  world  lias  solved  this  question  sn 
far  as  the  individual  and  society  are  con- 
cerned. We  have  learned  that  man  lives 
in  society  and  for  society;  he  must  there- 
fore take  his  place  in  the  social  order,  ac- 
cept the  law  of  social  life,  learn  to  live  for 
the  common  good,  and  be  willing  to  have 
his  interests  measured  by  the  common  wel- 
fare. We  have  solved  this  question  also  as 

[117] 


T/ic  New  World  Order 


far  as  the  United  States  is  concerned.  We 
have  here  a  confederation  of  States  co- 
operating toward  one  common  end,  accept- 
ing their  place  in  the  nation,  and  in  all  things 
that  affect  their  external  affairs  obeying  a 
common  law  and  leaving  the  final  decision 
to  a  national  government. 

In  our  time  humanity  is  facing  the  ques- 
tion of  an  organization  of  the  nations  in  a 
society  of  states.  It  is  becoming  clear  that 
humanity  is  one,  that  the  nations  are  the  in- 
terrelated and  interdependent  members  of 
one  body,  and  that  each  nation  is  under  obli- 
gation to  take  thought  for  the  things  of 
others,  and  to  look  not  alone  on  the  things 
of  self  but  also  on  the  things  of  others.  It 
is  necessary  therefore  for  the  nations  that 
believe  in  world  humanity  and  international 
justice  to  express  their  common  life  in  some 
form  of  international  organization.  There 
is  no  such  thing  as  absolute  liberty  for  the 
individual ;  he  is  a  part  of  society,  and  must 
be  willing  to  accept  his  place  in  the  social 
order  and  consent  to  have  his  interests 
measured  by  the  welfare  of  all.  There  is  no 
more  justice  for  the  claim  of  absolute 
sovereignty  on  the  part  of  a  nation  than  on 
the  part  of  an  individual.  "  Absolute 
sovereignty,"  says  a  suggestive  writer, 
"  means  absolute  anarchy."  The  one  nation 

[118] 


I  nt  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

must  therefore  think  of  itself  as  a  part  of 
humanity  and  learn  to  live  with  others  in 
terms  of  justice  and  peace;  it  must  realize 
that  nothing  can  be  really  good  for  itself 
which  is  evil  to  the  rest ;  it  must  come  to  per- 
ceive that  whatever  policy  blesses  all  blesses 
each. 

There  are  f«nir  p<>><i1>le  ways  in  which  na- 
-  may  live  together  and. may  seek  pence. 
These  ml^DCDnen^rotca: 

i.  Xatioiuil  liuli;-i<Jniitisin.  This  polky 
assumes  that  nations  are  separate  and  in- 
dividual entities,  each  able  to  live  its  own 
life  and  sufficient  unto-  itself  -for  all  things. 
This  policy  mighthay  e_  been  possible  when 
triSes  were  "few  "and  small,  and  inen'g  needs 
were  simple.  But  this  policy  is  physically 
impossible  to-day  when  nations  are  many 
and  crowd  one  another.  It  is  morally  im- 
possible also,  for  no  nation  can  live  unto 
itself  or  by  itself.  Each  is  dependent  upon 
all,  and  all  owe  something  to  each.  Beyond 
this,  many  forces  are  at  work  driving  nations 
together  and  compelling  them  to  have  deal- 
ings with  one  another.  The  diverse  produc- 
tions of  different  peoples,  trade  and  industry, 
railroads  and  even  air  routes,  are  all  making 
for  internationalism.  Nations  must  have 
dealings  with  one  another  and  depend  upon 
one  another.  They  must  therefore  come 

I  [119] 


The  New  World  Order 


into  some  kind  of  relations;  this  fact  is  cer- 
tain and  this  tendency  is  irresistible. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  nations  have  never 
lived  apart,  each  separate  and  independent. 
Thus  far  the  stronger  has  always  aggressed 
upon  the  weaker  and  has  sought  to  crush  or 
absorb  it ;  it  is  certain  that  a  world  of  inde- 
pendent and  competing  states,  strong  and 
weak,  would  mean  confusion  and  warfare. 
It  is  useless  to  talk  about  this  policy  as  a 
remedy.  It  would  be  a  reversal  of  history. 
It  denies  the  unity  of  the  human  race.  It 
would  be  impossible  for  small  and  weak 
states  to  maintain  themselves  in  presence  of 
the  stronger.  They  would  either  decline,  or 
more  probably  would  enter  into  alliance  with 
other  peoples;  or  they  would  be  conquered 
and  absorbed  by  some  great  power.  This 
would  mean  endless  confusion  and  would 
create  all  the  conditions  of  bitter  wars. 

2.  Imperialistic  Groups.  In  all  times  there 
has  beerTa  tendency  toward  the  formation  of 
empires,  usually  made  up  by  the  forcible 
combination pj:  rnaiiy peoples.  The  great  em- 
pires of  the  past  were  formed  in  this  way; 
and  great  as  were  the  wrongs  they  caused, 
they  yet  did  something  to  advance  the  race. 
In  latter  times  this  tendency  has  become  very 
marked,  and  the  world  to-day  is  composed 
of  a  few  imperialistic  groups  that  practically 

[  120] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

include  all  peoples.  The  smaller  nations  are 
being  absorbed  by  the  larger  groups;  in 
many  ways  this  is  an  advantage  to  the 
smaller  nations ;  it  ensures  protection  against 
aggressive  enemies,  and  it  gives  the  benefit 
of  trade  with  a  larger  unit 

This  policy,  as  all  history  testifies,  con- 
tains no  guaranty  of  world  peace.  For  in 
"iir  time  there  has  developed  an  enduring 
contest  between  these  great  empires  for 
world  mastery,  control  of  trade  routes,  and 
new  territory.  Various  imperialistic  groups 
form  alliances  to  beat  other  groups.  There 
is  an  effort,  in  pretense  at  least,  to  maintain 
a  balance  of  power ;  but  every  group  insists 
that  the  balance  shall  be  in  its  favor.  It  will 
never  be  possible  for  a  few  ambitious  groups, 
competing  and  antagonistic,  to  live  together 
in  peace  and  ensure  the  welfare  of  the  world. 
Peace  that  depends  upon  a  balance  of  power 
is  uncertain  at  best;  such  balance  is  always 
in  unstable  equilibrium  and  is  easily  upset. 
It  will  be  equally  impossible  for  any  of  these 
imperialistic  groups,  made  up  as  they  are  of 
diverse  peoples,  to  be  at  peace  within  them- 
selves. Either  the  small  peoples  must  sup- 
press their  aspirations,  which  they  are  not 
likely  to  do,  or  they  will  be  in  a  state  of 
chronic  revolt.  The  world  ought  to  have 
learned  by  this  time  from  Assyria  and  Rome, 


The  New  World  Order 


Russia  and  Germany,  that  this  policy  is 
fatuous  and  foolish.  The  formation  of  im- 
perialistic groups,  made  up  of  suppressed 
peoples  and  living  in  unstable  equilibrium, 
contains  no  guaranty  of  peace  and  really  has 
made  war  more  wide-spread.  There  is  no 

hope    of    world    peace    in    the    policy    of 
•  i- 

imperialism. 

3.  A   third  conceivable  policy  is   World 


testifies,  has  been  the  dream  of  many  a  man 
and  people,  from  Sesostris,  Alexander,  and 
Caesar,  to  Attila,  Napoleon,  and  William 
Hohenzollern.  But  always  and  everywhere 
the  dream  has  ended  in  the  same  way.  Hu- 
manity is  too  diverse  fojjmvman  or  nation 
to  control  and  combine  all  others.  Nflflflflai 
and  racial  ditlerences"  are  ineradicable  and 
persistent  ;  they  are  sure  to  assert  themselves 
soon  or  late,  and  bring  to  naught  the  plans 
of  world  conquerors.  The  attempt  of  any 
people  to  dominate  the  world  is  therefore  a 
madman's  dream.  It  is  to  be  feared  that 
there  will  be  more  madmen  with  this  dream  ; 
but  forever  it  will  end  in  the  same  way.  The 
world  can  never  become  the  subject  of  any 
one  nation.  If  it;  could  be  done,  it  would  be 
only  for  a  time.  Humanity  will  never  be  the 
slave  of  any  man  or  nation.  It  is  a  denial  of 
God;  it  is  a  moral  impossibility.  If  any 

[  122] 


Tftc  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

modern  nation,  either  Germany,  Britain, 
Russia,  or  the  United  States,  should  ever  be 
foolish  enough  to  cherish  that  delusion,  the 
sooner  it  is  given  up  the  better.  That  way 
lies  disaster  and  not  peace. 
4.  The  only  alternative  is  World  Fcdera- 


the  oJordler.  The  attempt  to  break  up  the 
race  into  distinct  and  independent  nationali- 
ties, some  small,  others  large,  would  be  a  re- 
versal of  history.  It  is  certain  that  the  races 
will  more  and  more  tend  toward  consolida- 
tion and  cooperation.  Mankind  that  has  once 
tasted  the  advantages  of  combination,  is  not 
likely  to  throw  those  advantages  away.  That 
would  destroy  progress,  limit  trade,  bring  no 
benefit  to  any  one,  and  deny  the  unity  of  the 
race.  The  process  oi  consolidation  must  go 
on  if  the  race  is  to  advance.  But  j{  cannot 
be  promoted  by  the  formation  of  imperialistic 

ffTOUpS:   Jjt  Cannot  rnmg.-tliroMgh   tho  world 

dominion  of  one  power.  There  is  only  one 
way  out  for  the  nations,  and  that'is  a  genuine 
federation  of  all  peoples.  This  is  just  and 
fair.  It  .recognizes  the  right  of  each  people, 
Imwever  small,  to  live  its  own  life  and  de- 
velop its  own  institutions;  but  it  recognizes 
the  interdependence  of  all.  It  provides  for 
fhc  union  of  all  for  the  sake  of  all  ;  and  so  it 
provides  a  basis  upon  which  there  can  be  a 


The  New  World  Order 


real  community  of  life  and  interchange  of 
gifts. 

There  must  be  jLlgaguje..oi,irrr 


..  . 

a  federation  of  the  world.  In  this  direction 
sgveial  tilings  may  be  nuled:  a.  There  must 
be  SLWOtfaLbarliament  made  up  o^epresen- 

tatives  of  the  nations,  to  consider  questions 
of  common  interest,  to  frame  international 
laws,  and  to  interpret  world  justice.  &.JIhe£e 
must  be  an  international'  court  to  interpret 
international  law  and  decide  all  questions 
that  arise  between  nations  and,  states  accord- 
ing to  accepted  principles  and  laws.  Any 
nation  feeling  itself  wronged  may  submit  its 
case  to  this  court  for  adjudication;  and  no 
nation  shall  be  free  to  attack  another  till  its 
case  has  been  heard,  c.  Tljpe^vjaus^iiefvaisp 
an  international  police  force  large  and  strong 
enough  to  enforce  international  law  against 
any  offending  member.  This  international 
police  force  should  possess  an  army  and  navy 
stronger  than  that  of  any  member;  in  fact 
it  should  be  the  only  army  and  navy  in  exis- 
tence, and  no  nation  must  be  permitted  to 
gather  deadly  weapons.  The  time  has  gone 
by  when  the  nations  of  earth  can  permit  any 
freebooting  nation  to  endanger  the  peace  of 
the  world.  They  cannot  permit  any  interna- 
tional thug  to  aggress  on  weaker  peoples,  to 
steal  their  land,  and  crush  them  out  of  exis- 

[124] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

tcnce.  As  the  individual  nation  cannot  per- 
mit individuals  to  make  their  own  wishes 
supreme  and  endanger  the  peace  of  society, 
so  the  nations  can  no  longer  permit  any  peo- 
ple to  run  amuck  and  embroil  the  nations  in 
war.  The  persoa  who  would  live  in  society 
and  enjoy  its  benefits,  must  come  under  the 
control  of  society.  The  nation  that  would 
live  in  the  world  and  have  dealings  with 
other  peoples,  must  be  willing  to  honor  in- 
ternational justice  and  live  in  peace.  The 
nations  must  teach  the  disturber  of  the 
world's  peace  that  aggression  and  war  do 
not  pay.  They  must  provide  that  force  and 
ruthlessness  shall  not  succeed.  They  must 
affirm  and  establish  the  law  of  right  among 
the  nations.  They  must  make  every  people 
know  that  if  it  is  to  have  dealings  with  other 
peoples,  such  dealings  shall  be  on  the  basis 
of  justice  and  brotherhood.  In  fine,  there 
must  be  a  league  of  the  nations  with  advan- 
tages so  manifestly  real  that  all  will  want  to 
enter  it. 

III.    The  DqpOq7*iV  P^tm^  Tapta! 

Trade  nTust  come  under  the  control  of  rea- 
son  and  morality  ~arid  "must  lAi  yuuialized  -and 
It  IS  fec6£nizea  by  all 


that  the  economic  factor  is  a  potent  one  in 
the  life  of  men  and  nations.  In  fact,  some 
have  maintained  that  it  is  the  final  factor, 

[125] 


The  New  World  Order 


that  it  determines  man's  family  and  social 
life,  that  it  influences  potently,  if  it  does  not 
shape  wholly,  his  ethical  standards  and.  re- 
ligious ideals.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  a 
powerful  factor  in  life  and  society  and  deter- 
mines many  things.  This  is  not  all,  but  dur- 
ing the  past  generations  there  has  been  a  re- 
markable industrial  development  among  the 
nations.  The  world's  supply  of  wealth  has 
multiplied ;  surplus  capital  has  increased,  and 
this  seeks  profitable  investment.  This  wealth 
has  become  incorporated  and  so  has  become 
impersonal.  In  a  word,  the  competition  of 
business  and  trade  interests  is  one  of  the 
chief  causes  of  international  friction  and 
war.  The  causes  of  the  great  world  war  are" 
found  here.  "  These  causes,"  says  David 
Jayne  Hill,  "  run  deep  into  the  soil  of  trade 
rivalries."  In  outward  form  the  causes  of 
the  war  seem  to  be  ambitions  of  rulers ;  but 
at  bottom  they  are  the  contests  of  traders  for 
economic  advantage.  "  Modern  wars  are 
primarily  trade  wars.  Modern  armies  and 
navies  are  not  maintained  for  the  purpose  of 
ruthlessly  taking  human  life  or  of  covering 
rulers  with  glory.  They  are,  on  the  one 
hand,  armed  guardians  of  economic  advan- 
tages already  possessed;  and,  on  the  other, 
agents  of  intended  future  depredation, 
gradually  organized  for  purposes  alleged  to 

[126] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

be  innocent,  and  at  what  is  esteemed  the 
auspicious  moment  dispatched  upon  their 
mission  of  aggression." 

In  the  past,  as  history  shows,  selfish  and 
ambitious  men  have  sought  place  and  power 
at  the  expense  of  their  fellows;  they  have 
schemed  to  gain  control  of  government ;  they 
have  used  their  power  to  conquer  other  peo- 
ples and  ride  roughshod  over  them.  To 
sanctify  their  usurpations  they  have  invented 
the  doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and 
thus  have  tried  to  keep  the  people  in  sub- 
jection. This  political  power  appears  as 
tyranny  to  the  people  within  and  a  world 
conqueror  to  the  people  without.  Through 
the  centuries  there  has  been  an  ever-growing 
revolt  against  this  political  imperialism;  in 
the  democratic  movement  this  revolt  has 
found  definite  voice  and  power.  But  in  these 
later  times  there  has  come  the  growth  of 
economic  imperialism  which  threatens  to  be 
quite  as  evil  and  tyrannous  as  the  old  politi- 
cal imperialism.  To-day  the  selfish  and  am- 
bitious impulses  of  men  find  expression  in 
the  power  of  capitalism.  As  we  have  seen, 
there  has  been  a  remarkable  increase  of  sur- 
plus capital ;  and  this  capital  seeks  power  and 
profits  wherever  they  can  be  found.  So  it 
obtains  valuable  privileges  and  concessions 

-  Hill,  "  The  Rebuilding  of  Europe,"  p.  34. 


The  New  World  Order 


in  other  lands,  often  by  very  doubtful 
methods ;  it  then  exploits  weaker  peoples ;  it 
calls  upon  the  home  government  to  have  the 
flag  protect  investments:  it  foments  wars 
and  sends  men  forth  to  die  all  for  the  sake 
of  bankers'  profits.  The  political  imperial- 
ism of  the  past  committed  unspeakable 
wrongs  against  mankind,  as  history  mourn- 
fully records.  But  modern  economic  im- 
perialism, though  young  in  years,  shows  that 
it  is  capable  of  wrongs  quite  as  outrageous; 
as  witness  Leopold's  exploitation  of  the 
Congo,  the  Boer  war,  the  seizure  of  Egypt, 
and  the  extermination  of  the  Hereros.  The 
world-old  ambition  to  build  an  empire  and 
control  others  and  make  gain  for  oneself  has 
changed  its  form  and  method,  but  it  is  the 
same  in  inner  spirit  and  motive.  "  The  old 
imperialism  levied  tribute ;  the  new  imperial- 
ism lends  money  at  interest."  3 

This  spirit  of  economic  imperialism  is  the 
chief  cause  of. the, world  war.  Pan-German- 
«e«a  «|B|  cyimply  fflonomic  imperialism.  "(J8f- 
many  demands  the  rigTiTTo^TOW  "and  ex- 
pand; she  demands  a  place  in  the  sun;  she 
insists  that  she  must  have  opportunity  to  pro- 
tect her  interests  and  fulfil  her  divinely  ap- 
pointed destiny.  But  behind  and  beneath  all 
the  fine  phrases  there  is  the  sordid  scheme  of 

3  Brailsford,  "  The  War  of  Steel  and  Gold,"  p.  65. 
[128] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

economic  imperialism  seeking  power  and 
profits.  German  manufacturers  want  to 
control  the  iron  and  coal  resources  of  Bel- 
gium and  France;  they  want  raw  materials 
from  Africa  and  South  America;  German 
bankers  want  profitable  investments  in 
Turkey  and  Russia ;  German  traders  want  to 
checkmate  Britain  in  Asia  and  to  control  the 
trade  routes  of  the  world ;  in  a  word  German 
imperialists  want  to  make  the  world  safe  for 
their  capital  and  trade.  The  power  of  capi- 
tal is  greater  than  the  power  of  kings ;  eco- 
nomic imperialism  is  a  standing  menace  to 
the  world's  peace. 

The  democratic  movement  must  go  for- 
ward and  bring  capital  under  the  control  of 
the  people.  Two  aspects  of  this  task  may  be 
mentioned,  the  internal  and  the  external. 
"  The  reason  for  the  too  rapid  export  of 
capital  abroad  is  in  short  the  bad  division  of 
wealth  at  home."  *  We  must  therefore  bring 
wealth  and  industry  under  the  control  of  so- 
ciety and  must  prevent  the  unjust  and  unso- 
cial accumulation  of  capital  at  home.  Demo- 
cratic peoples  have  declared  that  political 
power  cannot  be  trusted  in  the  hands  of  one 
man  or  of  a  few  men ;  by  constitutional  guar- 
anties and  a  diffusion  of  power  the  people 
have  protected  themselves  against  autocracy 

•  Brailsford,  ibid.,  p.  81. 

[   129] 


The  New  World  Order 


and  tyranny.  Democratic  peoples  must  now 
declare  that  economic  power  cannot  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  one  man  or  of  a  group  of 
bankers;  by  constitutional  guaranties  which 
shall  define  economic  justice,  by  democratic 
diffusion  of  wealth  and  control  of  industry, 
the  people  must  protect  themselves  against 
economic  exploiters  and  autocrats.  As  long 
as  industry  is  autocratic  in  form  and  method ; 
as  long  as  there  is  bad  division  of  wealth  at 
home,  with  the  many  laboring  hard  on  small 
income  and  the  few  drawing  large  income 
and  often  doing  no  work  and  giving  no 
equivalent,  so  long  surplus  capital  will  ex- 
ploit weaker  peoples  and  economic  imperial- 
ism will  be  a  world  menace. 

Then    with    the    democratic    control    of 
wealth  and  industry  at  home  it  will  be  com- 

perialism  abroad.  The  nations  must  insist 
that  capital  and  wealth  must  come  under  the 
control  of  the  people  and  must  be  made  to 
serve  humanity.  Exploiting  weaker  people 
in  the  interest  of  bankers'  bonds  and  traders' 
dividends  creates  international  friction  and 
breeds  war.  "  International  trade  rivalry  is 
war  smoldering."  We  know  of  course  how 
these  imperialistic  schemes  are  coated  over 
with  fine  phrases  about  the  necessary  flow  of 
capital,  the  development  of  backward  peo- 

[  13°  ] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

pies,  the  white  man's  burden,  the  survival  of 
the  fittest.  But  these  are  the  very  pleas 
with  which  autocrats  and  conquerors  have 
always  deceived  themselves  and  awed  the 
people.  As  the  nations  have  united  to  make 
an  end  of  political  imperialism,  so  they  must 
unite  to  make  an  end  of  economic  imperial- 
ism. There  must  be  no  more  exploitation  of 
Africa  by  any  nation.  There  must  be  open 
trade  for  all.  The  nations  must  make  it  for- 
ever impossible  for  a  few  men,  whether 
autocrats  of  empire,  captains  of  finance, 
barons  of  trade,  or  diplomats  in  secret,  to 
plunge  the  people  into  war  and  murder  the 
peace  of  the  world.  Never  again  must  such 
power  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  a  few  selfish 
and  irresponsible  persons.  The  people  must 
take  the  affairs  of  the  world  into  their  own 
hands.  Autocrats,  political  or  commercial, 
cannot  be  trusted  with  so  much  power.  As 
democratic  nations  have  denied  the  divine 
right  ot  kings  and  nave  taken  the  atlairs  of 


stale  iiiiu  iliMii  nun  HUM*  ^  « 

n^  3ivlne  right  of  capital  and 


1™ltJ)!2n 

st    say    that    autocratic   and    irresponsible 

capital  seeking  exorbitant  profits  by  exploit- 
ing weaker  people  and  fomenting  trade  rival- 
ries is  as  outrageous  and  dangerous  as  auto- 
cratic and  militaristic  kaisers. 

[130 


The  New  World  Order 


It  is  evident,  therefore,  if  we  are  to  have 
peace  among  the  nations,  that  the  mighty 
economic  forces  must  be  moralized  and 
come  under  the  control  of  society.  The  na- 
tions have  created  a  veritable  Frankenstein, 
and  now  the  monster  has  grown  so  strong 
that  he  resents  control;  nay,  he  menaces 
his  creator.  The  nations  are  in  danger 
of  being  destroyed  by  the  very  power 
they  have  created.  This  is  certain,  that  the 
economic  life  of  the  nations  must  be  re- 
deemed and  moralized.  Economic  imperial- 
ism is  a  standing  menace  to  the  peace  of  the 
world.  It  is  useless  to  talk  of  peace  and  to 
form  leagues  of  nations  so  long  as  capitalism 
has  its  ways  and  sows  the  seeds  of  war.  Un- 
less the  economic  forces  can  be  moralized 
and  controlled,  the  nations  will  be  exploited 
and  we  may  expect  a  succession  of  murder- 
ous wars. 

IV.  The  Earthjg^yjgjgggj^e.  The  na- 
tions musTtalceTKe  next  step,  and  control  the 
resources  of  the  earth  in  the  interest  of  all 
peoples.  What  is  the  deeper  meaning  of 
life?  What  is  that  purpose  Which  God  is 
working  out  in  the  world?  So  far  as  we 
can  read  that  meaning  and  purpose,  it  is  the 
training  of  conscious  beings  in  the  divine  art 
of  living  together.  All  the  forces  and  fac- 
tors of  life,  in  the  last  analysis,  contribute 


I  In-  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

to  this  end,  whether  they  are  what  we  call 
religious,  moral,  political,  or  economic.  One 
aspect  of  this  is  vital  here : 

The  different  nations  have  different  char- 
acteristics and  traits.  They  inhabit  differ- 
ent sections  of  earth,  and  these  are  char- 
acterized by  wide  diversities  of  climate,  soil, 
productions,  and  resources.  A  nation  may 
possess  wide  territory,  as  Russia  or  the 
United  States,  and  be  more  or  less  self-suffi- 
cient But  no  one  nation  is  or  can  be  suffi- 
cient unto  itself;  if  it  would  live  a  full  life 
and  have  a  wide  development,  it  must  have 
dealings  with  other  peoples;  it  must  give  of 
its  fulness  and  receive  of  the  resources  of 
others.  Trade,  to  be  large  and  profitable, 
must  be  international.  Raw  materials  are 
widely  scattered,  and  one  nation  must  de- 
pend upon  others  for  supplies.  All  this 
creates  our  modern  international  problem 
and  is  a  cause  and  condition  of  war.  Thus 
far  we  have  failed  to  solve  it  intelligently 
and  justly;  and  war  is  the  price  we  pay  for 
this  failure. 

One  principle  must  guide  us  here ;  in  it  we 
shall  find  the  key  to  the  problem.  The 
principle  of  interdependence  and  control 
that  we  have  accepted  as  true  for  the  nation 
we  must  now  accept  as  true  for  the  world. 
The  world  is  one  family;  no  nation  lives  to 

[  133  1 


The  New  World  Order 


itself  or  for  itself.  The  earth  and  its  re- 
sources belong  to  the  people.  The  principle 
of  eminent  domain  is  as  true  for  the  world 
as  for  the  nation.  In  the  last  analysis  the 
rights  of  men,  whether  rights  of  life  or  of 
property,  are  in  society;  so  the  rights  of 
nations  in  position  and  resources  are  in  hu- 
manity. For  the  person  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  an  absolute  right;  no  one  can  do 
as  he  pleases  with  his  life  or  property.  And 
society  may  require  him  to  use  these  in  such 
a  way  as  to  serve  the  common  good.  The 
same  principle  is  true  for  nations.  Each  na- 
tion lives  in  humanity  and  for  humanity.  It 
holds  its  life  and  possessions  in  stewardship 
for  mankind.  No  one  nation  can  seize  and 
take  and  use  whatever  it  pleases.  Humanity 
may  require  each  nation  to  serve  all ;  it  may 
assert  the  principle  of  eminent  domain  and 
regulate  the  use  of  resources  for  the  benefit 
of  all.  As  in  the  stress  and  strain  of  war 
the  various  nations  were  compelled  to  take 
control  of  their  natural  resources,  the  means 
of  transportation,  the  food  supplies,  the 
manufacturing  apparatus,  so-  the  nations  to 
prevent  international  profiteering  and  in- 
justice must  exercise  supervision  over  the 
world's  resources  and  control  trade  routes. 

The  way  out  for  one  nation  within  itself 
suggests  the  way  out  for  all  nations  to- 

t  134  ] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

gether.  By  federated  action  they  must  take 
control  of  the  earth's  resources  and  make 
these  resources  available  for  all  mankind. 
Thus  far  the  stronger  nations  have  felt  free 
to  seize  the  territory  of  weaker  peoples,  ob- 
tain rich  concessions  often  by  chicane,  and 
then  exploit  these  to  their  own  advantage 
against  the  people  in  possession.  Thus 
great  regions  of  the  earth  have  been  simply 
hunting-grounds  for  economic  profiteers. 
Not  only  so,  but  one  nation  seeks  to  gain 
control  of  raw  material  for  its  own  advan- 
tage ;  so  it  founds  colonies  to  furnish  rubber 
and  cotton,  coal  and  iron.  Or  one  nation 
to  gain  raw  materials  provokes  a  war  and 
forcibly  annexes  territory.  There  can  be  no 
justice  and  no  peace  in  the  world  so  long  as 
these  practices  obtain. 

Our  course  is  clear.  "  The  unlimited  in- 
dependence of  sovereign  states  is  as  impossi- 
ble and  undesirable  as  the  anarchical  free- 
dom of  individual  citizens."  G  Justice  and 
peace  among  the  nations  will  come  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  way  as  they  have  been  ap- 
proximated within  the  state,  by  the  union 
and  cooperation  of  all  in  law  and  right,  by  all 
protecting  each  and  each  serving  all.  As  so- 
ciety has  affirmed  the  principles  of  social 
stewardship  for  the  person,  so  the  nations 

•  Brailsford,  "  The  War  of  Steel  and  Gold,"  p.  324. 
K  [135] 


Tlie  New  World  Order 


must  affirm  the  principle  of  national  steward- 
ship for  the  world.  We  must  affirm  the  old 
principle  that  the  earth  with  its  resources  has 
God  given  to  the  children  of  men.  We 
must  say  that  it  is  against  society's  interest 
to  allow  any  individual  exclusive  control 
of  natural  resources,  to  make  them  private 
property  and  exploit  them  to  one's  own  ad- 
vantage against  the  welfare  of  society.  In 
like  manner  we  must  say  that  it  is  a  wrong 
against  humanity  for  any  people  to  waste 
its  resources,  or  for  another  nation  to  seize 
those  resources  and  exploit  them  to  its  own 
profit.  This  does  not  mean  that  humanity 
shall  seize  the  resources  of  any  nation  with- 
out its  consent  and  use  them  for  the  benefit 
of  all.  For  exploitation  by  humanity  would 
be  no  better  than  exploitation  by  one  nation. 
But  it  does  mean  that  every  people  which 
would  live  in  the  world  and  have  dealings 
with  others,  shall  come  under  the  reign  of 
law,  recognize  its  obligations  as  well  as 
claim  its  rights,  and  agree  to  use  its  re- 
sources for  the  advantage  of  all.  The  na- 
tion that  lives  in  fellowship  with  others 
through  trade  and  travel  must  accept  the 
fact  of  right  and  stewardship  and  super- 
vision. 

The  nations  must  practise  an  international 
trade  morality.     We  have  a  personal  mo- 

[136] 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

rality  and  a  church  morality ;  but  we  do  not 
have  a  trade  morality  across  international 
lines.  Individuals  believe  that  it  is  wrong  to 
covet,  to  cheat,  to  steal,  to  kill ;  but  only  in 
a  meager  and  partial  way  do  they  believe 
that  it  is  equally  wrong  for  traders  and  na- 
tions to  do  these  things.  Nay,  many  who 
condemn  these  wrongs  when  done  by  one 
man  against  another  within  the  nation,  fully 
approve  these  things  when  done  in  the  in- 
terest of  trade  by  one  nation  against  an 
outside  people.  We  must  then  keep  open 
highways  in  the  world  and  guarantee  the 
freedom  of  the  seas  to  all  peoples.  We  must 
insist  that  the  strategic  points  of  the  earth 
shall  be  internationalized  and  kept  open  to 
all.  We  must  insist  that  the  sovereignty  of 
a  nation  shall  end  with  its  own  boundaries 
and  with  its  colonies,  and  that  this  sover- 
eignty is  never  absolute  but  is  always  limited 
and  relative  in  humanity.  In  a  word,  by 
principles  of  international  morality,  by  in- 
ternational law,  and  by  international  trade 
we  must  create  a  presumption  in  favor  of 
world  federation,  world  justice,  and  world 
peace.  We  must  internationalize  the  affir- 
mations of  our  American  democracy  and 
must  declare. that  we  hold  these  truths  to  be 
-elf-evident,  that  all  nations  are  created 
equal,,  that  each  has  the  inalienable  right  to 

[137] 


The  New  World  Order 


be,  to  possess  its  own  territory,  and  enjoy 
its  oScOnsiutyHoii^v-snd  that  the  interna- 
tional government  of  the  world  must  rest 
upon  the  consent  of  the  governed.  It  is  suffi- 
cient for  this  generation'  to  affirm  these  prin- 
ciples; their  interpretation  and  application 
must  be  worked  out  in  the  future  and  organ- 
ized into  the  policies  of  the  nations. 

The  nations  must  prepare  for  peace  as 
they  have  hitherto  prepared  for  war.  The 
defeat  of  Germany  will  settle  nothing  and 
ensure  no  peace  unless  the  nations  remove 
the  causes  of  war  and  organize  their  interna- 
tional life  on  a  basis  of  justice.  Terms  of 
peace  that  are  arbitrary,  that  play  with  the 
destiny  of  any  nation,  however  weak,  that 
tolerate  injustice  and  rest  upon  suspicion, 
contain  the  seeds  of  future  wars.  The  na- 
tions must  know  the  causes  which  lead  to 
peace  and  be  just  enough  to  make  peace  pos- 
sible. Peace  is  not  a  cause  but  a  result. 
Righteousness  is  the  only  foundation  on 
which  a  real  peace  can  be  built.  "  The  fruit 
of  righteousness  is  peace;  and  the  effect  of 
righteousness  is  quietness  and  confidence 
forever." 

There  is  deep  significance  in  the  Scripture 
statement  concerning  the  King  of  Salem, 
"  first  by  interpretation  King  of  Righteous- 
ness, and  after  that  also  King  of  Peace  " 


The  Reconstruction  of  International  Life 

(Heb.  7  :  2).  Righteousness  must  there- 
fore  be  our  first  concern;  let  ngHWBBBR 

prevail  among  the  nations  nnd  pence  is  cer- 
tain. But  jK'acc  without  righteousness  can 
never  be  real  or  lasting.  Yet  three  fourths 
of  the  efforts  to  secure  peace  ignore  this 
truth  and  try  to  find  some  way  other  than 
that  of  justice. 

Other  foundations  can  no  man  lay  for 
social  and  international  peace  than  have 
been  laid.  These  foundations  stand  secure, 
and  men  and  nations  must  build  upon  them 
if  their  work  is  to  abide.  God  will  over- 
turn our  works,  and  we  shall  have  wars  and 
confusions  till  we  accept  his  foundations. 
We  never  shall  have  international  peace  till 
we  have  international  righteousness.  Peace 
does  not  come  by  cunning  diplomacy  or 
crafty  compromises;  it  cannot  be  poised 
upon  a  balance  of  powers  or  be  guaranteed 
by  armaments.  Peace  is  not  assured  when 
the  fighting  stops;  it  is  only  attained  when 
justice  is  done.  Diplomacy  may  patch  up 
a  truce;  the  sword  may  stop  the  aggressor 
and  defeat  his  schemes.  All  this  is  at  best 
negative  and  uncertain.  Peace  is  positive. 
It  rests  upon  justice  and  fair  dealing,  confi- 
dence and  good  will.  Have  the  nations  the 
mind  to  be  just?  Do  they  know  what  justice 
really  means  ?  These  are  supreme  questions 

[  139  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


for  our  time  and  our  nation.  If  the  nations 
would  have  real  and  lasting  peace — our  na- 
tion along  with  other  nations — they  must 
learn  to  hunger  and  thirst  after  righteous- 
ness and  be  just  in  all  their  ways.  They  must 
havejj]£,sj^rificial  attitude  of  mind  and  look 
not  alone  on  the  things  of  self,  but  also  on 
the  things  of  others.  Peace  will  come  and 
reign  as  justice  grows  and  lives.  Thus  far 
we  have  sought  to  find  peace  by  agreement 
and  compromise,  by  adjusting  antagonisms 
of  men  and  nations.  We  shall  really  find 
peace  by  establishing  justice  and  associating 
nations  in  righteousness. 

REFERENCES 

Hill,  "  The  Rebuilding  of  Europe." 
Brailsford,  "  The  War  of  Steel  and  Gold." 
Howe,  "  Why  War." 
Weyl,  "  The  End  of  the  War." 
Hobson,  "  Democracy  after  the  War." 
Angell,  "The  Political  Conditions  of  Allied  Suc- 
cess." 

Brailsford,  "  The  League  of  Nations." 
Gladden,  "  The  Forks  of  the  Road." 


VI 
THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  CRISIS 


He  that  hath  an  ear,  let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit 
is  saying  unto  the  churches. — The  Revelation  j  :  22. 

All  authority  hath  been  given  unto  me  in  heaven 
and  on  earth.  Go  ye  therefore  and  make  disciples  of 
all  the  nations,  baptizing  them  into  the  name  of  the 
Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost; 
teaching  them  to  observe  all  the  things  whatsoever 
I  commanded  you. — Matthew  28  :  18-20. 

It  is  not  the  province  of  the  church  as  an  organ- 
ized body  to  dominate  or  to  attempt  to  dominate  the 
state  politically,  or  to  control  specific  legislative  ac- 
tion ;  but  it  is  its  province  to  set  forth  and  interpret 
the  principles  of  the  gospel  of  the  kingdom  so  clearly 
to  the  entire  life  of  the  nation,  that  its  citizens  shall 
be  moved  to  make  the  state,  its  politics,  and  its  legis- 
lation the  practical  expression  and  realization  of 
those  principles. — The  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America. 

Christianity  must  unite  its  own  forces  before  it 
can  effectively  urge  the  nations  to  unite.  It  must 
federate  its  own  sects  before  it  can  demand  the 
federation  of  the  world.  There  must  be  peace  in  the 
church  before  there  can  be  peace  on  earth. — Presi- 
dent W.  H.  P.  Faunce. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  CRISIS 


Thus  far  we  have  dealt  mainly  with  the 
changes  that  are  coming  in  the  thoughts  of 
men  and  the  institutions  of  society.  But 
our  study  would  be  incomplete  if  it  ended 
here.  We  must  go  a  step  farther  and  con- 
sider the  ideal  which  men  are  to  seek  in  and 
through  their  plans  and  efforts.  And  we 
must  consider  also  the  power  which  can  lift 
men  out  of  themselves  and  send  them  out  to 
serve  in  their  day  and  to  seek  the  kingdom 
of  God. 

All  this  leads  us  directly  to  the  door  of  the 
church.  For  the  church,  we  have  been 
taught,  has  the  truth  which  can  set  men 
free ;  the  church  claims  to  know  that  power 
which  can  charm  away  the  sloth  and  selfish- 
ness of  men,  which  can  enlighten  their  minds 
and  stiffen  their  wills  in  the  service  of  the 
right.  The  church  stands  forth  as  the 
recognized  teacher  and  guide  of  men  and 
nations ;  and  men  and  nations  have  the  right 
therefore  to  look  to  the  church  for  light  and 
leading.  This  demand  of  the  nations  is  the 
church's  opportunity. 

•  [  143  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


If  the  church  is  to  meet  the  present  chal- 
lenge it  must  undergo  some  radical  changes. 
It  finds  itself  in  a  changing  world  order  and 
confronted  with  a  new  situation.  It  finds 
that  new  demands  are  made  upon  it  and 
new  tasks  are  calling.  Men  may  say  that 
the  church  never  changes,  that  always  and 
everywhere  it  is  the  same.  But  every  one 
knows  that  such  a  statement  is  both  unhis- 
torical  and  absurd.  Living  things  must 
change.  An  unchanging  church  would  be  a 
dead  institution.  The  world  is  changing  and 
the  church  as  a  part  of  the  world  must 
change  with  it.  An  unchanging  church  in 
a  changing  world  order  would  mean  colli- 
sion and  disaster. 

It  is  too  early  for  any  one  to  foretell  all 
of  the  changes  that  are  coming;  we  need 
not  try  to  lift  the  veil  of  to-morrow.  It  is 
enough  to  know  that  changes  are  coming, 
and  then  to  accept  them  willingly  and  make 
the  most  of  the  opportunity.  These  changes 
will  not  mean  any  shifting  in  the  essential 
truths  of  the  gospel,  for  these  stand  fast  for- 
ever. But  they  may  mean  some  larger  and 
truer  apprehensions  of  these  truths.  They 
may  not  mean  the  breaking  up  of  the  present 
church  bodies  and  the  creation  of  some  new 
and  more  comprehensive  organization;  and 
yet  they  may  mean  just  that  thing.  They 

[  H4  ]   % 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 


will  mean  it  unless  the  churches  can  find 
some  way  of  being  more  effective  and 
securing  closer  cooperation.  But  these 
changes  will  certainly  bring  a  reconception 
of  the  essential  gospel  and  a  new  emphasis 
in  Christian  teaching.  They  will  demand  a 
larger  conception  of  the  church's  work  and 
a  new  outlook  upon  the  world.  And  they 
will  find  expression  in  new  programs  of  ser- 
vice and  new  methods  of  work. 

I.  The  Power  of  the  Gospel.  Divine 
truth  is  one  thing  and  the  human  apprehen- 
sion of  that  truth  is  a  very  different  thing. 
The  gospel  is  a  treasure  from  heaven,  but  it 
is  a  treasure  in  earthen  vessels.  There  is  a 
clear  distinction  to  be  made  between  Chris- 
tianity as  a  spirit  and  the  churches  in  which 
that  spirit  incarnates  itself.  And  yet  the 
gospel  is  judged  by  the  lives  it  makes  and 
the  church  that  exists.  This  is  fair  enough, 
for  the  gospel,  so  Christians  claim,  has 
power  to  beget  Christian  lives  and  to  create 
a  Christian  church.  In  a  real  sense  the  for- 
tunes of  Christianity  are  wrapped  up  with 
the  fortunes  of  the  church;  the  church  has 
power  on  earth  to  bind  or  release  the  poten- 
cies of  the  gospel. 

Can  the  church  answer  the  challenge  and 
meet  the  opportunity  of  to-day?  Has  it 
light  enough  to  guide  the  world?  Has  it 

[  145  1 


The  New  World  Order 


life  enough  to  vitalize  the  nations?  It  is 
easy  to  indulge  in  platitudes  about  the  power 
of  the  church;  it  is  easy  to  talk  about  the 
church  wielding  a  mighty  influence  and  be- 
ing able  to  handle  the  situation  after  the 
war.  But  the  church  did  not  or  could  not 
prevent  the  war  itself.  It  did  not  or  could 
not  shape  and  dominate  the  civilization 
which  grew  up  under  its  tutelage.  What 
reason  have  we  to  suppose  that  it  can  or  will 
control  the  forces  of  society  and  determine 
the  civilization  of  the  future?  This  talk 
about  the  power  of  the  churches  to  handle 
the  situation  created  by  the  war  and  guide 
the  nations  in  the  work  of  reconstruction 
may  deceive  those  who  want  to  be  deceived. 
But  it  goes  far  to  justify  the  saying  that  lan- 
guage was  given  to  men  to  conceal  thought ; 
certainly  much  of  this  talk  betrays  an  ab- 
sence of  knowledge.  This  is  certain,  that 
before  the  churches  can  meet  the  demand 
upon  them  there  must  be  some  thoroughgo- 
ing changes  in  the  churches,  both  in  their 
spirit  and  methods. 

The  issue  is  clearly  drawn.  To-day  hu- 
manity is  brought  face  to  face  with  great 
evils  that  wreck  human  lives  and  cause  un- 
told misery.  Here  are  such  social  evils  as 
poverty  and  disease;  we  know  that  there  is 
industrial  injustice  and  strife;  and  before 

[146] 


Hie  Church  and  the  Crisis 

us  are  the  unspeakable  horrors  of  the  world 
war.  These  evils  are  here  and  they  cannot 
be  denied.  Be  it  remembered  that  they  exist 
in  what  is  called  Christendom,  in  those  lands 
where  Christianity  lias  long  been  known  and 
has  become  strong.  We  are  not  discussing 
the  existence  of  poverty  and  disease  among 
uncivilized  tribes;  we  are  not  talking  about 
injustice  and  wrong  among  pagan  peoples; 
we  are  not  discussing  the  possibilities  of  es- 
caping war  on  the  part  of  Christless  nations. 
We  are  dealing  with  these  things  in  so- 
called  Christian  lands  and  among  Christian 
men.  Poverty  in  a  Christian  land  must  not 
be  tolerated.  Industrial  warfare  among 
Christian  men  should  be  unthinkable.  War 
between  Christian  nations  is  treason  against 
the  kingdom  of  God.  The  so-called  Christian 
nations  must  stop  war  or  stop  claiming  alle- 
giance to  Christ.  The  world  will  no  longer 
accept  excuses  for  these  things.  As  the 
world  expects  a  Christian  man  to  be  decent, 
honest,  and  truthful ;  so  it  may  expect  a 
Christian  people  to  abolish  poverty  and  in- 
justice, and  it  insists  that  Christian  nations 
must  be  just  in  their  dealings  and  end  war. 
The  Christian  nation  that  in  the  days  to 
come  makes  itself  responsible  for  war  will 
have  denied  the  faith  and  become  worse  than 
a  heathen. 

[147] 


The  New  World  Order 


The  alternatives  are  unescapable:  Chris- 
tianity must  conquer  these  evils,  or  confess 
failure  and  stand  discredited.  We  are  told, 
"  For  this  purpose  the  Son  of  God  was  mani- 
fested, that  he  might  destroy  the  works  of 
the  devil."  The  Master  declares,  "  I  came 
not  to  condemn  the  world,  but  to  save  the 
world."  If  Christianity  is  what  its  fol- 
lowers claim,  it  is  able  to  dissolve  the  doubts 
of  men  as  they  arise  and  to  conquer  social 
evils  as  they  appear.  If  it  cannot  conquer 
every  human  evil  it  stands  discredited.  To 
admit  that  there  is  any  evil  too  great  for 
Christianity  to  conquer  is  to  strike  the 
scepter  from  the  King's  hand.  If  there  is 
power  in  Christianity  to  conquer  these  evils, 
that  power  ought  to  be  released  and  made 
effective.  If  the  church  is  here  to  represent 
Christ's  purpose  and  carry  forward  his 
work,  the  church  must  do  what  it  is  called 
to  do,  or  get  out  of  the  way.  And  so  the 
responsibility  for  social  evils  in  Christian 
lands  must  be  laid  at  the  door  of  the  church ; 
and  so  the  church  that  is  true  to  its  commis- 
sion must  give  the  potencies  of  the  gospel 
an  opportunity  to  work. 

But  let  us  see  clearly  the  task  before  us. 
Christianity  does  not  conquer  evil  by  brute 
force;  nor  does  it  build  the  kingdom  by 
magic  means.  The  evils  of  the  world  are 

[148] 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

human,  moral,  social,  spiritual;  they  find 
their  roots  in  the  selfish  hearts,  the  ignorant 
purposes,  the  unjust  practices,  the  perverse 
wills  of  men.  The  real  conquest  must 

.nalvsis  i:>  a  mural  and  spiritual 
-cieiice.  Tin-  kingdom  comes  as  fast  as 
men  learn  to  do  ju-tly.  to  love  mercy,  to  be 
brotherly.  The  evils  of  the  world  are  to  be 
conquered  in  and  through  a  change  in  the 
minds  and  hearts  and  wills  of  men.  Men 
must  gain  new  and  true  ideas  and  ideals; 
they  must  see  the  right  and  do  it ;  they  must 
see  right  ends  and  seek  them  in  intelligent 
ways;  they  must  come  into  just  relations 
with  one  another;  they  must  create  right 
social  institutions;  in  a  word,  men  must 
learn  to  live  as  children  of  God  and  citizens 
of  the  kingdom. 

It  therefore  comes  back  to  this,  that  the 
churches  are  challenged  to  help  the  world 
in  this  trying  hour  and  lead  in  the  work  of 
human  redemption.  We  do  not  ask  that  the 
churches  shall  answer  all  questions  in  ad- 
vance or  give  men  a  complete  program  of 
social  work.  But  they  can  at  least  offer 
men  the  vision  of  a  better  world  and  give 
them  a  sense  of  direction  in  thought  and 
effort.  They  can  create  in  men  a  Christian 
state  of  mind  and  train  them  for  effective 

r  149 1 


The  New  World  Order 


service  in  the  kingdom.  They  can  rally  the 
men  of  good  will,  give  them  a  wise  and 
strong  leadership,  and  send  them  out  to  fight 
the  battles  of  the  King  and  to  build  on  earth 
the  city  of  God.  These  things  the  churches 
can  do  and  must  do  if  they  would  honor 
Christ  and  carry  off  the  prize  of  the  world's 
allegiance.  If  there  is  no  power  in  Chris- 
tianity to  inspire  and  move  men  to  do  these 
things,  what  advantage  hath  it  over  Bud- 
dhism or  Confucianism?  If  the  churches 
will  not  take  Christianity  seriously  and  allow 
Christ's  power  to  have  full  scope,  they 
should  confess  their  sin  and  change  their 
ways.  Some  things  are  implied  in  this 
which  are  worthy  of  mention. 

II.  The  Churches  must  Give  Men  the 
Vision  'of  Hie  Kingdom  of  God.  The  Master 
gave  men  the  idea  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
and  charged  them  to  seek  that  kingdom  first 
of  all.  That  idea  as  it  came  from  the  Master 
was  a  great  human,  social  hope,  and  it  con- 
templated the  realization  in  the  earth  of  a 
new  social  order,  founded  upon  righteous- 
ness, motived  by  love,  and  expressing  itself 
in  human  brotherhood.  But  very  early  the 
church  lost  the  vision  of  the  kingdom  and 
fastened  its  eyes  upon  other  things.  The 
idea  of  the  kingdom  faded  into  the  back- 
ground, and  other  and  smaller  ideas  took  its 

[ISO] 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

place.  Through  all  of  the  nineteen  centuries 
the  church  has  substituted  itself  for  the  idea 
of  the  kingdom.  This  substitution  changed 
men's  conception  of  the  work  of  Christ;  it 
changed  their  outlook  upon  the  world;  it 
changed  their  understanding  of  the  work 
given  them  to  do. 

The  consequence  is  that  men  have  not  had 
the  vision  of  the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth. 
They  have  not  seen  the  religious  meaning 
and  kingdom  value  of  the  social  institutions 
of  life,  as  the  state  and  industry.  They  have 
not  known  what  to  do  in  order  to  use  these 
mighty  institutions  of  life  as  means  and 
agencies  in  the  kingdom's  advance.  And 
they  have  not  tried  in  any  large  and  real 
way  to  Christianize  all  the  relations  and  ia- 
stitutions  of  life.  The  most  signal  failure 
of  the  church  "has  been  its  lack  of  vision,  its 
narrowness,  the  smallness  of  its  purpose. 
Christianity  has  suffered  much  from  the 
wrong  thinking  of  bad  men,  but  even  more 
from  the  small  thinking  of  good  men. 

In  our  time  men  are  regaining  a  larger 
and  truer  conception  of  the  kingdom.  This 
may  be  called  the  age  of  the  rediscovery  of 
the  kingdom  of  God.  It  is  becoming  clear 
that  the  kingdom  in  Christ's  conception 
never  means  anything  less  than  a  righteous 
social  order.  It  may  mean  more,  for  while 

L  [151] 


The  New  World  Order 


the  kingdom  begins  here,  it  does  not  end 
here.  But  it  is  certain  that  it  never  can  mean 
less.  They  who  believe  in  the  kingdom  of 
God  are  called'  to  build  a  social  order 
grounded  in  the  will  of  God  and  in  fulfil- 
ment of  his  great  purpose.  The  kingdom  of 
God  is  nothing  less  than  the  inner  meaning 
of  the  world.  It  is  the  Alpha  and  the  Omega 
of  the  Christian  revelation.  It  is  the  one 
great  far-off  divine  event  to  which  the  whole 
creation  moves.  It  finds  its  consummation 
in  the  new  heavens  and  the  new  earth  where- 
in dwells  righteousness.  They  who  seek  the 
kingdom  of  God  expect  a  city  of  God  on  this 
earth,  where  righteousness  is  done  and  men 
live  together  as  brothers.  They  who  are 
seeking  to  build  this  city  of  God  are  moving 
in  line  with  the  great  purpose  of  the  Eternal. 
They  have  the  prestige  of  the  universe  be- 
hind their  plans ;  and  the  mighty  powers  of 
the  gospel  are  pledged  in  their  behalf.  We 
need  the  idea  of  the  kingdom  of  God  that 
we  may  know  the  real  goal  of  the  world. 
We  need  the  hope  of  the  kingdom  to-  put 
meaning  into  life,  to  fill  the  soul  with  a  holy 
enthusiasm1,  and  to  set  the  feet  of  young  men 
and  young  maidens  marching  into  the  morn- 
ing, keeping  step  to>  the  trumpet-calls  of  God. 
III.  ThfiL  Churches  must  Teach  Men  how 
to  Seek  the  Kingdom  of  God.  The  Master 

[152] 


The  Church  <ind  the  Crisis 

charged  them  to  seek  the  kingdom  of  God 
first  of  all.  He  interpreted  clearly  the  law 
of  the  kingdom  as  love  and  showed  that  its 
spirit  is  brotherhood.  He  realized  fully  that 
the  order  he  charged  men  to  seek  was  con- 
structed on  different  lines  from  that  which 
prevailed  among  men.  So  he  plainly  de- 
clared that  in  the  new  order  there  was  to  be 
no  lording  it  over  others,  but  that  greatness 
and  success  consisted  in  service  of  men  and 
contribution1  to  the  common  good.  And  he 
expected  his  followers  to  set  about  the  work 
of  constructing  a  social  order  based  upon 
justice,  motived  by  love,  rooted  in  equality, 
a  society  in  which  each  should  have  full  op- 
portunity, no  one  should  be  wronged,  and 
all  should  have  plenty. 

He  interpreted  to  men  no  less  clearly  the 
method  of  the  kingdom.  The  kingdom 
comes  in  men  and  through  men.  It  is  not  an 
order  imposed  upon  men  from  above,  but 
it  comes  in  and  through  their  own  hearts 
and  wills.  It  is  not  a  purely  mechanical 
order  that  comes  automatically  and  uncon- 
sciously, but  it  must  be  sought  by  men, 
planned  by  them,  advanced  by  their  efforts. 
It  comes  as  fast  and  as  far  as  men  want  it  to 
come.  And  it  comes  by  the  process  of 
growth — first  the  blade,  then  the  ear,  after 
that  the  full  grain  in  the  ear.  It  comes  by 

[153] 


The  New  World  Order 


a  process  of  elimination — the  King  is  all  the 
time  sending  out  his  messengers  to  gather 
out  of  his  kingdom  the  things,  that  offend. 
It  comes  also  by  a  process  of  permeation — it 
permeates  all  life,  and  transforms  every- 
thing that  it  touches. 

It  is  just  here  that  we  find  the  serious  lack 
in-  our  modern  Christianity.    One  might  sup- 
pose that  'by  this  time  men  would  have  a 
clear  idea  of  the  purpose  of  God  and  would 
know  how  they  are  to  seek  his  kingdom. 
But  most  men  are  in  the  dark  at  this  point ; 
most  of  their  programs  are  meager  and  par- 
tial, and  they  know  how  to  do  only  a  few 
f  the  kingdom's  tasks.    To  many  men  seek- 
ng  the  kingdom  of  God  means  seeking  the 
alvation  of  the  soul  and  preparing  it  for 
ife  in  heaven.     To  be  active  in  Christian 
work  means  to  take -an  interest  in  the  church 
nd  promote  its  plans.     All  this  is  good  as 
:ar  as  it  goes,  but  it  stops  far  short  of  the 
cingdom   program.      For   the  purpose    of 
Christ  demands  the  Christianization  of  all 
ife.     It  summons  men  to  the  task  of  build- 
ng  up  in  the  earth  a  Christian  type  of  human 
ociety. 

It  is  essential  that  men  have  a  clear  con- 
eption  of  the  end  they  are  to  seek  and  the 
way  to  reach  it.     They  must  know  what  is 
implied  in  the  kingdom  of  God;  they  must 

[154] 


/'//••  Church  and  the  Crisis 

understand  the  forces  and  factors  that  God 
has  ordained.  They  must  understand  the 
divine  meaning  of  the  great  institutions  of 
life,  and  know  what  are  the  kingdom  ends 
they  are  to  seek  in  and  through  the  family, 
the  Church,  the  State,  the  industrial  order. 
They  must  know  how  to  seek  the  kingdom 
of  God  through  each  of  these  institutions  by 
itself  and  through  them  all  in  cooperation. 
In  a  general  way  men  understand  the  Chris- 
tian meaning  of  the  church  and  know  what 
to  do  in  the  church  in  behalf  of  the  kingdom. 
But  it  has  not  dawned  upon  many  people 
that  the  family,  the  State,  and  the  industrial 
order" "have  a  kingdom  value,  and  that 
through  each  nnd  nil,  equally  with  the 
Church  they  are  to  advance  the  kingdom  of 
God. 

The  search  for  the  kingdom  of  God  re- 
quires a  good  heart  and  an  understanding 
mind.  We  never  can  build  the  kingdom  of 
God  till  we  understand  the  means  and  the 
agencies  through  which  we  are  to  work. 
We  never  can  solve  the  problems  before  us 
unless  \ve  understand  the  laws  of  our  eco- 
nomic and  social  life.  There  must  therefore 
be  an  intelligent  understanding  of  the  forces 
arrrr -factors- of 'society  \vltli  a  knowledge  ..of 
ways  and  means.  This  intelligence  must  be 
much  more  general  than  is  now  the  case ;  as 

[155] 


The  New  World  Order 


the  kingdom  is  made  up  of  people,  it  must 
be  built  by  people.  There  must  be  a  wise 
leadership,  no  doubt;  but  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  people  must  have  some  conception  of 
the  issues  involved  with  some  knowledge  of 
the  way  to  meet  them.  Here  is  work  for  the 
home,  to  train  the  child  and  prepare  it  for 
social  living.  This  demands  a  new  system 
of  education  which  shall  seek  to  develop  the 
mind  and  qualify  the  pupil  for  life.  Above 
all,  it  lays  a  heavy  obligation  upon  the 
church  to  teach  the  people,  to  create  an  in- 
telligent attitude  toward  social  questions  and 
show  people  what  to  do  and  how  to  do  it. 

IV'  The  Churches  must  Create  in  Mejia 
Christian  State  of  Minq  One  thing  nas  De- 
come  clear  as  we  nave  proceeded  with  our 
study:  The  primary  defect  is_found-JIL the 
fundamental  principles  and  ideals  of  men 
and  nations.  Before  there  can  be  any  real 
and  lasting  change  in  the  social  order  there 
mtrst--bc  -a  profound  and  radical  change  in 
the  general  mind  of  men.  A Ten^must  cner- 
ishjhigh  ideals;  they  must  see  clearly  their 
work;  they  must  believe  in  the  brotherhood 
of  jnankind ;  and  they  must  be  willing  to 
pay  the  price  of  progress.  T lie" worlcTmust 
have  a  ne\v  heart  and  a,  different  spirit  be- 
fore it  can  ever  see  the  kingdom  of  Goct. 

There  must  be  a  radical  reconstruction  in 

[156] 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

the  spirit  of  men  before  there  can  be  a  new 
social  order.  The  spirit  of  greed  and  selfish- 
ness must  pass,  and  there  must  be  the  substi- 
tution of  the  spirit  of  love  and  service.  Men 
must  learn  to  regard  one  another  as  broth- 
ers and  practise  brotherhood  in  all  relations 
of  life.  There  must  be  the  sacrificial  atti- 
tude of  mind  which  will  lead  all  groups, 
both  employers  and  employees,  not  to  look 
primarily  on  the  things  of  self,  but  to  seek 
the  good  of  all.  There  must  be  the  effort 
to  realize  the  principles  of  brotherhood  and 
democracy  in  the  whole  life  of  society  and 
industry.  Without  this  spirit  in  the  lives 
of  men  all  plans  and  policies  are  foredoomed 
to  failure.  With  these  principles  accepted 
by  men  and  nations  all  else  will  follow. 

Men  must  have  an  international  mind  be- 
fore there  can  be  a  world  federation.  Na- 
tions must  renounce  the  old  false  postulates 
of  thought  and  diplomacy  and  must  honor 
the  true  principles  of  internationalism.  They 
must  see  and  affirm  that  above  the  nation  is 
humanity.  The  one  nation  must  regard  it- 
self as  a  part  of  humanity  and  must  agree 
to  make  the  welfare  of  all  its  supreme  con- 
cern. The  nations  must  have  more  righteous 
and  Christian  principles  before  they  can  have 
a  new  diplomacy  and  a  new  world.  There 
must  be  the  willingness  on  the  part  of  na- 

[157] 


The  New  World  Order 


tions  to  be  just  and  brotherly,  to  cooperate 
for  world  good,  and  to  express  their  world 
consciousness  in  international  relations.  In- 
ternationalism must  first  be  a  state  of 
mind,  an  ideal,  a  chivalry,  a  religion,  before 
it  can  be  a  reality  and  a  system. 

This  brings  us  to  the  very  door  of  the 
church.  For  it  is  the  supreme  business  of 
the  church  to  interpret  the  will  of  God  to 
men,  to  make  them  know  the  mind  of 
Christ,  to  teach  them  what  to  love  and  to 
seek,  to  determine  the  standards  and  ideals 
of  men,  in  a  word,  to  create  a  Christian  atti- 
tude of  mind.  This  realm  of  the  mind  and 
spirit  is  the  peculiar  province  of  the  church. 
If  it  fails  here,  it  fails  pitifully.  As  it  suc- 
ceeds here,  we  can  say  that  it  is  doing  its 
real  work.  The  church  must  create  in  those 
who  come  under  its  tutelage  this  Christian 
state  of  mind  and  must  bend  all  its  energies 
to  this  end.  The  church  has  many  functions 
which  it  must  fulfil ;  but  it  is  certain  that  its 
educational  function  is  second  to  none  in 
value.  The  church  'has  done  much  along  this 
line,  as  history  abundantly  testifies.  But  in 
view  of  present  needs  it  is  evident  that  the 
church  must  take  its  educational  task  far 
more  seriously  than  it  has  done.  The  church 
must  be  an  educational  institution  in  the 
best  sense  of  the  term,  and  must  help  the 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

people  to  know  the  will  of  God,  teach  them 
the  whole  truth  of  Christ,  train  them  for 
sacrificial  and  effective  service,  give  them  an 
intelligent  and  Christian  attitude  toward  all 
life,  and  send  them  out  in  conscious  and 
determined  ways  to  seek  the  kingdom  of 
God  in  the  world. 

V.  ThfL  Mnln'ng  of  a  finninl  Q>PKfflnc?  is 

science  it  may  be  said  we  mean  those  moral 
ideals  and  ethical  principles  which  are  dis- 
closed to  the  soul,  with  the  ratification  and 
fulfilment  of  those  ideals  and  principles  by 
the  man  himself.  By  socialcpnscience  we 
mean  those  ethical  i  Jeal^* jBBr'yiHiiples 
which  deal  with  men's  social  relations  and 
actions  and  the  convictions  and  obligations 
that  they  carry. 

There  are,  of  course,  many  agencies  that 
are  doing  this  work  in  part  at  least.  The 
home  is  the  primary  unit  of  life,  and  deter- 
mines in  large  part  the  ethical  attitude  of 
every  person.  But  in  few  homes  is  there 
full  recognition  of  the  larger  obligations  of 
life  or  systematic  training  in  social  duty. 
The  public  schools  are  doing  much  to  train 
mind  and  unfold  its  powers.  But  by  the 
nature  of  the  case  the  schools  cannot  con- 
cern themselves  with  the  great  ideals  and 
religious  principles'  of  social  life.  The  state 

[159] 


is  the  organ  of  the  political  consciousness, 
and  it  assumes  a  consciousness  lying  behind 
its  organization.  The  time  will  probably 
never  come  when  the  making  of  the  people's 
conscience  can  be  safely  entrusted  to  the 
state's  machinery.  Beyond  all  this,  moral 
principles  have  little  power  to  warm  the 
heart  and  compel  the  will  till  they  have  a 
religious  ground  and  motive.  This  brings 
us  back  to  the  church  as  the  only  agency  that 
has  at  once  a  divine  warrant  and  social  com- 
mission for  this  very  work. 

We  have  seen  that  social  evils  have  human 

f~*******H***BmtHfiv**a**«-*-'A'*fr-'^ --..-••          M  M'l  f 

and  social  causes.  It  is  easily  possible  for 
men  to  believe  this  and"yet  lose  all  sense  of 
pel^sonal  responsibility.  This  is  the  tendency 
to-day 'iii  some  of  our  sociological  thinking; 
this  deals  with  social  factors  as  heredity  and 
environment;  sometimes  it  deals  with  social 
evils  as  impersonal  results  and  fails  to  note 
the  .human  responsibility.  Behind  "social 
evils  are  human  sins  and  living  sinners. 
What  we  call  the  economic  and  political 
factors  are  the  outward  and  visible  ex- 
pression of  moral  will  and  spiritual  forces. 
Men  and  nations  are  responsible  for  slums, 
poverty,  crime,  disease,  misery,  war.  It 
is  the  business  of  the  church  to  recognize 
this  profound  truth,  to  go  behind  the 
economic  factors  and  political  conditions, 

[160] 


/  //•   Church  and  the  Crisis 

to  the  heart  and  conscience  of  men.  Then 
by  means  of  the  evils  of  society  and  the 
tragedies  of  war  it  may  reveal  the  sin- 
fulness  of  sin  and  the  need  of  repentance. 
Some  time,  when  men  have  what  may  be 
called  the  social  mind  and  have  learned  to 
see  the  relation  between  cause  and  effect, 
there  will  come  to  them  a  most  deep  and 
stinging  conviction  of  sin.  In  the  presence 
of  city  slums,  tubercular  children,  the  wast- 
age of  child  life,  poverty,  the  delinquent 
child,  industrial  strife,  and  world  war  men 
will  stand  with  anxious  hearts  and  troubled 
conscience.  This  is  the  business  of  the 
church,  to  create  in  men  a  permanently 
troubled  conscience  in  the  presence  of  social 
evils,  a  conscience  that  will  give  men  no  rest 
till  they  have  cleansed  themselves  of  all  com- 
plicity and  have  changed  the  evil  conditions. 
The  churches  have  a  positive  duty  at  this 
point.  They  must  bring  home  to  men  a  deep 
conviction  of  sin  and  must  create  a  discrim- 
inating and  active  conscience.  They  must 
make  all  who  call  themselves  Christians  feel 
that  themselves  and  their  profession  are 
steadily  put  to  shame  as  long  as  a  single 
wrong  tarries  in  society,  and  a  single  life  is 
without  true  inheritance  in  the  world.  They 
must  make  men  feel  themselves  charged 
with  the  welfare  of  the  downmost  man  and 

[161] 


The  New  World  Order 


must  send  them  out  in  a  missionary  effort 
in  his  behalf.  As  long  as  a  wrong  tarries  in 
the  community,  as  long  as  stumbling-blocks 
are  placed  before  men,  as  long  as  child  life 
is  snuffed  out  in  filthy  tenements  and  girl- 
hood is  outraged,  so  long  the  church  must 
search  men  through  and  through  with  the 
merciless  fire  of  self-examination  and  must 
summon  them  to  bring  forth  fruits  meet  for 
social  repentance.1 

VI.  Xfa^Qiu^rches^must  Lead  Men  in  the 
Thorough  Reconstruction  of  the  -Social 
Order.  Something  is  wrong  with  modern 
society.  Something  is  wrong  with  a  civili- 
zation that  contains  within  itself  such  possi- 
bilities as  the  world  war.  These  defects  as 
we  have  seen  in  earlier  chapters  are  funda- 
mental and  are  a  part  of  the  social  structure 
itself.  So  long  as  these  defects  remain  we 
shall  have  social  evils  in  continuous  outflow. 
So  long  as  these  defects  remain  we  shall 
work  at  a  disadvantage  in  the  work  of  help- 
ing men.  The  work  of  reconstruction  must 
therefore  go  deeper  than  symptoms  and  pal- 
liatives; it  must  deal  with  fundamental 
principles  and  social  institutions;  it  must 
in  short  seek  to  construct  a  new  social  order 

1  See  Prof.  Ross's  keen  analysis  of  social  sin  in  "  Sin  and 
Society,"  and  an  article  by  the  writer  in  "  The  American 
Journal  of  Sociology,"  March,  1902,  on  "  The  Church  as  the 
Maker  of  Conscience." 

[162] 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

on  Christian  foundations  that  shall  realize 
the  ideal  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

In  the  work  of  building  the  new  social 
order  we  must  beware  of  patchwork  and 
piecemeal  effort  Half-way  measures  have 
made  the  tragedies  of  history.  Piecemeal 
effort  has  been  largely  wasted.  Nay,  worse, 
much  of  this  effort  has  diverted  men  from 
the  true  path  and  sent  them  off  on  side- 
issues.  There  are  no  isolated  reforms.  The 
fundamental  defects  are  with  society  itself, 
in  its  ideals,  its  principles,  its  methods,  its 
organization.  The  effective  reconstruction 
must  be  fundamental  and  thoroughgoing. 
This  work  is  a  unit.  It  must  deal  with  life 
as  a  whole  and  seek  a  new  world.  We  need 
to  remember  that  Christ  has  not  come  to 
patch  up  the  old  order,  but  to  make  all  things 
new.  But,  as  a  significant  article  in  the 
"  Contemporary  Review  "  says,  "  The  church 
has  been  trying  to  referee  the  game  of  civili- 
zation as  the  world  now  plays  it  rather  than 
to  revolutionize  the  game  itself." 

Those  who  believe  in  the  kingdom  of  God 
are  squarely  committed  to  the  work  of  build- 
ing a  new  social  order.  They  are  called  to 
a  lifelong,  unsurrendering  fight  against  all 
injustice  and  evil.  They  are  to  take  sides 
with  God  against  all  disorder  and  ignorance, 
all  cruelty  and  vice,  against  every  enemy  of 

[163] 


The  New  World  Order 


man  and  every  wrong  in  society.  More 
than  that,  they  who  expect  the  kingdom  of 
God  are  called  to  the  work  of  social  redemp- 
tion ;  they  are  to  seek  in  a  positive  and  con- 
structive way  the  kingdom  and  its  righteous- 
ness; they  are  to  get  the  will  of  God  done 
and  to  make  justice  prevail.  They  are  to 
find  the  flaws  in  the  social  order  and  mend 
these ;  they  are  to  go  out  and  build  a  social 
order  after  the  pattern  shown  them  in  the 
kingdom  of  God.  We  are  not  here  to  keep 
things  fixed.  We  are  not  called  to  accept 
things  as  they  are  and  bid  men  to  endure 
the  evils  of  the  world.  We  are  here  rather 
to  give  men  the  hope  of  the  kingdom  and 
arouse  them  to  seek  that  kingdom  and  its 
justice  with  all  their  might  We  accept  the 
present  social  order  as  far  as  it  is  just,  and 
no  farther.  We  are  not  here  to  mitigate  the 
evils  of  society,  but  to  challenge  their  right 
to  be,  to  oppose  them,  and  in  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ  to  destroy  them.  Too  long  we 
have  accepted  poverty  and  disease,  saloons 
and  slums,  industrial  strife  and  deadly  wars 
as  a  matter  of  course,  perhaps  as  necessary, 
as  more  or  less  inevitable  in  the  present 
order.  Too  long  God  has  been  regarded  as 
sending  plague  and  pestilence,  famine  and 
disease,  blindness  and  feeble-mindedness, 
for  some  mysterious  reasons,  perhaps  for 

[164] 


The  Church  am!  the  Crisis 

our  discipline.  So  men  have  taken  a  fatalistic 
attitude  toward  these  evils  and  have  felt  that 
little  could  be  done,  for  the  present  at  any 
rate,  to  change  the  world.  In  face  of  social 
injustice  and  political  wrong1  there  has  been 
a  quiet  submissiveness,  the  half  feeling  that 
rebellion  against  these  was  a  denial  of  God's 
will.  The  power  of  Christianity  which 
should  have  turned  the  world  upside  down 
and  destroyed  its  evils,  has  been  turned  into 
a  means  of  making  men  submissive  and 
keeping  things  as  they  are.  The  gospel  has 
been  an  anodyne,  God's  will  a  submission. 

All  this  must  pass  and  we  must  have  a 
true  conception  of  the  gospel.  Christianity 
is  not  a  passive,  static,  fixed  thing,  but  is  an 
active,  dynamic,  revolutionary  power.  The 
will  of  God  is  not  a  submission  only,  but  a 
dedication  as  well.  Christ  has  not  come  to 
keep  things  as  they  are,  but  to  make  all 
things  new.  He  has  come  not  to  accept  the 
evils  of  the  world,  but  to  destroy  the  works 
of  the  devil.  The  kingdom  of  God  is  a 
revolutionary  idea  and  is  a  direct  challenge 
to  every  evil  of  the  world.  These  evils  are 
not  the  will  of  God  at  all ;  they  are  not  to 
be  accepted  and  endured;  they  are  rather 
to  be  challenged  and  destroyed.  Content- 
ment with  the  world  as  it  is  amounts  to  trea- 
son against  the  kingdom  of  God.  Accep- 

[  165  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


tance  of  the  evils  of  the  world  as  inevitable 
is  a  denial  of  the  Cross  of  Christ.  The  will 
of  God  means  the  redemption  of  the  world, 
and  it  is  a  declaration  of  warfare  against 
everything  that  hurts  man  and  opposes  the 
kingdom.  The  will  of  God  is  being  done  in 
the  earth  as  slavery,  pain,  disease,  poverty, 
injustice,  crime,  oppression,  war,  are  con- 
quered, and  freedom,  health,  joy,  safety, 
bread,  and  peace  are  realized  among  men. 
"  The  true  God,"  says  H.  G.  Wells,  "  is  not 
a  spiritual  troubadour  wooing  the  hearts  of 
men  and  women  to  no  purpose.  The  true 
God  goes  through  the  world  like  fifes  and 
drums  and  flags  calling  for  recruits  along 
the  street."  The  church  must  regain  the 
Christian  conception  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
and  must  stand  for  Christ  in  the  social  order. 
It  must  believe  in  justice  and  must  teach 
men  to  hunger  and  thirst  after  righteous- 
ness. It  must  develop  in  men  a  hatred  of 
evil  and  must  send  them  out  to  destroy  every 
work  of  evil.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  church 
to  witness  for  the  true  order  of  the  world,  to 
declare  that  social  evils  are  unnecessary  and 
can  be  cured,  to  interpret  to  men  the  means 
and  methods  of  social  redemption  and  unite 
them  in  the  tasks  of  the  kingdom. 

VII.  The,^Qhttrch _tnust  Develop  in _  the 
Hearts  plTMen  a  S^iritofJFaith  in  the  King- 

[  166  ] 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

•ftiijSfflMBff'     ^en  arc  ea£er  to 
if  thcn^«uiyT>e  a  kingdom  of  God 

aiul  a  way  to  realize  it  on  earth.  They  want 
to  know  whether  life  is  a  forlorn  hope  or 
whether  a  better  world  is  really  possible. 
They  never  can  seek  the  kingdom  first  and 
wholly  till  they  know  that  there  is  a  king- 
dom of  God  and  that  God  wills  it  and  or- 
dains it.  They  will  never  face  their  problems 
in  a  brave  spirit  unless  they  believe  those 
problems  can  be  solved.  It  is  the  business 
of  the  church  to  witness  for  God  and  for  his 
kingdom,  to  certify  that  this  is  a  redeemed 
world,  to  create  in  men  a  spirit  of  faith,  and 
to  send  them  out  to  build  the  kingdom  of 
God. 

One  thing,  however,  is  vital  here  as  the 
basis  of  thought  and  the  inspiration  of  ef- 
fort. We  do  not  have  to  create  the  kingdom 
of  God  or  invent  a  new  social  order.  We 
need  rather  to  know  that  God  is  King  and 
his  kingdom  is  a  reality.  The  kingdom  of 
God  is  the  very  meaning  of  the  universe,  its 
beginning,  its  power,  its  goal.  That  king- 
dom is  here  beneath  all  of  our  lives;  it  is 
here  upholding  the  life  of  the  family  and  the 
order  of  the  state ;  it  is  here  constituting  the 
bond  of  humanity  and  interpreting  the  proc- 
esses of  society.  The  fact  of  God's  king- 
dom is  as  real  as  the  world,  and  its  coming 

M  [  167  ] 


The  New  World  Order 


is  as  certain  as  the  sun's  rising.  We  do  not 
make  this  kingdom  more  certain  by  our 
faith ;  for  that  kingdom  rests  upon  God  and 
not  upon  men.  But  our  faith  puts  us  in 
harmony  with  the  kingdom  and  its  law; 
our  faith  saves  us  from  sloth  and  uncer- 
tainty and  sends  us  out  to  do  the  King's 
will  and  live  as  citizens  of  his  kingdom. 

The  world  can  be  made  a  great  deal  better 
than  it  is.  The  scientist  knows  that  a 
stronger,  healthier,  better  race  is  easily  pos- 
sible. The  sanitarian  knows  that  our  cities 
can  be  made  perfectly  clean,  smokeless, 
wholesome,  and  sanitary.  It  is  possible  to 
have  pure  air  and  pure  water  for  all.  Every 
city  could  have  schools  for  children  and 
playgrounds  for  all.  In  a  few  years  we 
could  get  rid  of  the  great  scourges  of  tuber- 
culosis and  typhoid  fever;  we  could  reduce 
the  death-rate  one-half  in  ten  years  and 
abolish  many  diseases  entirely.  We  could 
abolish  abject  poverty  in  a  generation  and 
could  lift  this  heavy  handicap  from  the 
shoulders  of  millions.  We  could  lighten  the 
economic  slavery  that  binds  three-fourths  of 
the  people  to  treadmill  tasks,  and  give  every 
life  a  fair  inheritance  in  society.  We  could 
drain  all  swamps,  irrigate  whole  regions  of 
the  earth,  increase  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
ensure  every  family  an  adequate  income 

[168] 


The  Church  and  the  Crisis 

and  a  sanitary  home.  We  could  fill  the 
world  with  health  and  beauty  and  joy  and 
peace.  All  these  things  we  could  do  in  a 
few  years  if  we  believed  that  we  could  ac- 
complish them  and  were  willing  to  pay  the 
costs  of  progress.  We  could  do  this  if  we 
had  the  believing  attitude  of  mind,  if  we  had 
imagination  enough  to  see  that  the  evils 
from  which  we  suffer  are  needless,  if  we 
would  give  thought  to  understand  how  these 
evils  can  be  cured,  if  we  would  just  begin  to 
unite  our  forces  and  work  together  for  the 
common  good.  Nothing  prevents  the  com- 
ing of  a  better  world  except  the  unbelief 
and  unwillingness  of  men.  We  have  science 
enough,  religion  enough,  conscience  enough, 
for  a  gigantic  creative  effort.  But  alas, 
these  are  scattered  about  the  world,  unor- 
ganized, and  half  wasted.  If  men  would 
only  believe  in  the  kingdom  of  God  and  the 
coming  of  a  better  world,  their  very  faith 
would  make  that  world  possible.  So  long 
as  men  are  of  doubtful  mind  concerning  the 
kingdom  and  question  the  right  of  right- 
eousness to  be  triumphant,  they  will  be  of 
divided  mind  in  their  work  and  will  put 
themselves  off  with  half  measures.  But  if 
they  would  only  believe  the  good  news  of  the 
kingdom  and  would  go  forward  in  the  will 
of  God,  their  very  belief  would  make  the 

[169] 


The  New  World  Order 


better  order  easy  and  would  show  the  king- 
dom at  their  doors.  And  so  it  comes  to  this, 
that  the  supreme  work  of  the  church  is  to 
cultivate  the  believing  attitude  of  mind  and 
unite  men  in  the  kingdom's  advance.  "  The 
kingdom  of  God  is  at  hand;  change  your 
mind ;  believe  the  good  news  that  the  king- 
dom is  coming,  and  you  shall  see  the  king- 
dom around  you." 

VIII.  The  Chitrchfea  must  Find  Some 
Way  of  Expressing  their  Common..  IJtfe  and 
of  .Cooperating  for  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
The  Master,  within  the  shadow  of  the  cross, 
prayed  that  his  disciples  might  be  one.  He 
declared  that  "  By  this  shall  all  men  know 
that  ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one 
for  another."  Then  the  world  would  be- 
lieve that  the  Father  had  sent  the  Son  to  be 
the  Saviour  of  the  world.  In  face  of  this 
our  present  divided  Christendom,  is  the  great 
scandal  of  the  church.  It  really  denies  the 
redemptive  work  of  Christ  and  defeats  his 
reconciling  purpose.  It  makes  it  impossi- 
ble for  the  churches  to  give  a  united  and  po- 
tent testimony.  It  makes  the  gospel  appear 
as  a  fractional  and  provincial  matter.  It 
compels  the  churches  to  present  a  broken 
front  to  the  enemies  of  the  kingdom.  In 
view  of  this  the  question  of  Christian  union 
is  one  of  the  vital  questions  before  the  world. 

[  170] 


The  Church  and  tlie  Crisis 

These  divisions  of  the  church  lessen  the 
power  of  the  gospel.  The  churches  are  do- 
ing much  for  God  and  for  man;  they  are 
the  only  institutions  that  stand  for  Christ 
and  his  Cross  in  the  world.  But  not  a  tithe 
of  the  possible  power  of  the  churches  is 
really  effective  in  community  life.  And 
these  divisions  in  the  church  delay  the  cause 
of  world  brotherhood.  The  vital  need  just 
now  is  an  international  mind,  a  conscious- 
ness of  the  unity  of  humanity.  Christianity 
comes  to  men  with  its  truth  of  the  fatherhood 
of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  mankind. 
But  alas,  the  churches  cannot  witness  for 
these  great  truths  except  in  a  very  limited 
and  partial  way.  How  can  a  divided  Chris- 
tendom witness  for  cooperation  and  brother- 
hood? The  churches  by  their  very  names 
and  profession  are  provincial  and  partial. 
How  can  the  Roman  and  Greek  churches 
witness  for  the  unity  of  humanity?  It  is 
within  the  truth  to  say  that  the  divided 
churches  have  been  one  of  the  strongest 
factors  making  for  particularism  and  na- 
tionalism. It  seems  vain  therefore  for  the 
churches  to  talk  about  the  unity  of  humanity 
and  the  society  of  nations  till  they  have 
found  some  way  of  expressing  their  com- 
mon life  and  cooperating  in  world  redemp- 
tion. 


The  New  World  Order 


What  can  be  done  to  promote  this  de- 
sired unity  ?  There  is  little  use  of  discussing 
the  question  of  church  union,  for  that  at 
present  is  a  purely  academic  question.  It 
may  be  many  long  years  before  any  advance 
can  be  made  in  that  direction.  Perhaps 
when  the  churches  have  regained  the  idea  of 
the  kingdom  of  God  and  a  new  generation 
has  grown  up  under  the  spell  of  that  ideal, 
the  frank  discussion  of  this  question  may  be 
possible.  For  the  present  the  question  of 
church  federation  and  cooperation  is  possi- 
ble and  practicable,  and  this  should  be 
emphasized. 

There  are  many  ways  in  which  believers 
in  Christ  may  express  their  common  life 
and  cooperate  for  kingdom  ends.  They  can 
regain  the  idea  of  the  kingdom  of  God  and 
make  it  central  in  their  thought  and  life. 
They  can  unite  in  social  tasks  and  unite  all 
men  of  good  will  in  their  accomplishment. 
In  our  communities  many  things  are  possi- 
ble; in  fact  many  things  are  being  done. 
The  churches  are  cooperating  in  temperance 
work,  in  protecting  children,  in  securing 
better  housing,  in  working  for  better  in- 
dustrial conditions.  Let  them  encourage 
all  such  activities;  let  them  find  some  way 
of  making  a  full  impact  of  their  religious 
life  upon  society  and  the  nation.  Let 

[  172] 


Ttie  Church  and  the  Crisis 

them  also  look  above  their  partialisms  and 
emphasize  the  universal  elements  of  the 
gospel;  let  them  witness  in  thought  and 
practice  for  the  brotherhood  of  mankind  and 
the  unity  of  the  nations.  And  one  day  they 
will  find  that  interest  in  incidentals  has  dis- 
appeared and  they  are  really  one — one,  not 
in  creedal  forms  perhaps,  or  church  policies, 
but  one  in  the  unity  of  the  Spirit,  one  in 
desire  to  seek  a  common  kingdom  and  honor 
a  common  Lord. 

The  church  needs  faith,  courage,  devo- 
tion. It  needs  faith  in  God  and  in  the  com- 
ing of  his  kingdom,  faith  in  the  right  of 
righteousness  to  be  triumphant,  faith  that 
the  world  can  be  made  a  great  deal  better 
than  it  is,  faith  that  labor  for  the  kingdom 
will  not  be  in  vain.  It  needs  courage  to  face 
the  evils  of  the  world  without  flinching, 
courage  to  search  for  the  deeper  causes  of 
social  evils  and  deal  with  those  causes,  cour- 
age to  have  done  with  compromise  and  half- 
way measures  and  go  the  whole  length  with 
Jesus  Christ,  courage  to  break  with  the 
rulers  of  politics  and  finance  if  necessary 
and  stand  with  Jesus  Christ  for  brother- 
hood and  justice.  It  needs  devotion  to 
pay  the  costs  of  progress,  self-sacrifice  to 
hold  talent,  property,  life  itself  as  a  stew- 
ardship for  the  kingdom  and  its  justice,  the 

[173] 


The  New  World  Order 


crucified  spirit  which  makes  men  willing 
to  bear  the  reproach  of  Christ  and  sees 
beyond  the  Cross  the  redemption  of  the 
world.  If  the  church  had  the  faith,  the 
courage,  the  devotion,  it  might  lead  men  into 
the  kingdom  of  God.  If  the  church  were  in- 
deed crucified  with  Christ,  it  might  become 
the  very  power  of  God  unto'  salvation  of 
society.  Nothing  but  a  crucified  Christianity 
can  ever  win  the  world  to  a  crucified  Christ. 
'  The  church  of  to-day  faces  the  greatest 
challenge  and  has  the  supremest  chance:  of 
Tier  long  history.  The  church  holds  the  key 
of  humanity's  unsolved  problems.  The 
church  has  the  only  gospel  mat  contains  any 
promise  for  the  world.  Never  have  men  felt 
the  woes  of  humanity  so  keenly.  Never 
have  such  vital  questions  been  up  for  a  hear- 
ing. One  and  all,  the  helpers  and  saviors 
of  the  world  have  failed.  Men  have  tried 
science,  and  it  has  failed ;  they  have  tried 
education,  and  it  is  impotent ;  they  have  tried 
compromise,  and  it  has  brought  only  confu- 
sion; they  have  tried  diplomacy,  and  it  has 
/'  resulted  in  war.  When  half  gods  go,  then 
i  God  arrives.  There  never  has  been  such  an 
\  opportunity  for  the  church  as  to-day.  The 
\  field  has  never  been  so  free  for  a  religion 
\of  reality  and  power.  For  the  present  a  large 
part  of  the  church's  work  is  to  witness  for 

[174] 


/  //•  •  Church  and  the  Crisis 

the  kingdom  of  God  and  its  righteousness 
and  keep  alive  in  men  the  hope  of  a  new 
social  order. 


J  cunscience  over  the  evils  of 

n  hccU'tcn  men  in  their 


for  iiistic£_an{LjirQgTess.  In  tne  gospel  of 
the  Son  of  God  there  afe  spiritual  potencies 
now  untouched  but  wholly  beyond  our 
imagination  to  measure.  For  the  present 
the  churches  can  incarnate  these  potencies 
in  the  lives  of  Christian  men  and  through 
these  lives  can  release  them  into  the  world. 
The  churches  can  give  Christ  his  rightful 
place  as  Master  and  King  and  can  enthrone 
the  Cross  in  their  very  life.  A  crucified  and 
potent  church  contains  the  promise  and  po- 
tency of  redemption  of  the  world  and  the 
establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

REFERENCES 

Orchard,  "  The  Outlook  for  Religion." 

MacNutt,  "  The  Church  in  the  Furnace." 

Faunce,     "  The     New     Horizon     of     State     and 

Church." 
MacFarland,  "  The  Churches  of  Christ  in  Time  of 

War." 

Scudder,  "  The  Church  and  the  Hour." 

Williams,    "  The    Christian    Ministry    and    Social 

Problems." 

Rauschenbusch,  "  The  Social  Principles  of  Jesus." 
Fosdick,  "  The  Challenge  of  the  Present  Crisis." 

[175] 


f 


Date  Due 


Library  Bureau  Cat.  No    1137 


